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OF PERO TAFUR, H35-1439 


A SHI'AH CATHOLIC, 1560-1604 





1844-6, BT M. HUC 









The above volumes are ready or Hearing publication. 
A complete list will b* found at the end of this volume. 

Publish** by 


Ql J3 














With an Account of 



From the RELATIONS of 

Translated by C. H. Payne, M.A. 

Published by 



First published 1930 




INTRODUCTION ...... xiii 



The rebellion of the Prince again ft his fat her > and the conse- 
quences thereof . . . . .3 


How the King began his reign. He compels two Chrislian 

children to become Moors . . . 13 

Some converts tfthe Faith . . . . .24 

Some events of the year 1607 . . . 32 

The Fathers accompany the King to Agra . . -43 

The Fathers dispute with the Moors before the King . . 49 

A dispute on the divinity of ChrisJ . . . 58 


The King's reverence for Jesus Chrift 




The King sends an Embassy to Goa . . . 77 

NOTES TO PART I .... 88 



. 119 

Lahore to Tarkand . . . . .126 

AtYarkand ...... 135 


Tar hand to Suchou . . . . .150 

NOTES TO PART II . . . . .163 


The Ruin of Pegu . . . . .185 

Philip de Erito establishes himself at Syriam . .194 

Ten reasons for holding the ports of Bengala . . . 201 

Defeat of the Arakanese Armada .... 207 


In which a treaty is made and broken . . .216 



The Battle of 'Negrois ^ 

The Siege of 'Syria/a aj , 


The fortress captured . . . t .241 


AppENDH 277 

JNDEX ..... 



I. Route of Goes from Peshawar to Tarkand . Facing page 166 

\\.RoutefromYarkandtoSuchou. . . ,,178 

III. Sketch Map of Eengala . . . On page 253 

IV. Sketch Map showing Position of Syriam . 266 
V. Sketch Map of Lower Burma . . 269 

Portrait of Jahangir . Frontispiece 



IN an earlier volume of this series (Akbar and the Jesuits} 
I gave an account of the Jesuit Missions to the court 
of Akbar, translated from the HiSlotre of Father Pierre 
du Jarric. It was my intention to let the same author 
tell the ftory of the Jesuits at the court of Jahangir; 
but as the third Part of the HiSlolre^ in which the period 
in question is dealt with, is based almoft exclusively 
on the Relations of Father Fernao Guerreiro, it seemed 
better to translate the latter work, and thereby get 
a ftep nearer to the original letters. I made the 
choice with some regret; for though du Jarric did not 
hesitate to abridge his authorities, at times somewhat 
drastically, he is a more polished and, on the whole, 
a more engaging writer than Guerreiro. 

Parts II and III contain Guerreiro 's accounts of the 
travels of Benedict Goes, and of the Portuguese occu- 
pation of Pegu. All three Parts belong to the firft 
decade of the seventeenth century, and each adds 
something of value to our knowledge of that period. 
As I have said elsewhere, the Jesuit Fathers did not 
profess to write hiftory. But though their letters tell 
us little of the political happenings of the time, they 
light up the pifture as a whole, and we see detail where 
before only outline was visible. 

In the text I have allowed Guerreiro to have his own 
way with the spelling of proper names. In this respeft 



he was nothing if not inconsistent; or perhaps he had 
a passion for variety. Father Ricci's name is spelt 
it|Jbur different ways in a single chapter. 

"%he portrait of Jahangir, which forms the frontis- 
piece, is from a miniature in the possession of the 
British Museum. The portrait, which is unsigned, 
was probably painted in the early part of the seven- 
teenth century, and is a particularly fine example of the 
Mogul art of the period. 

My grateful acknowledgments are due to Sir 
E. D. Maclagan for the help he has given me in the 
preparation of this volume, which owes much to his 
expert knowledge of the Mogul period and of the 
Jesuit writings. I am also indebted for valuable 
information and suggestions to Mr. J. P. Hardiman, 
formerly Commissioner of Tenasserim, who has been 
kind enough to read through the proofs of Part III. 
Of the numerous authorities quoted or referred to 
in the notes, I have specially to acknowledge the 
assistance I have received from the writings of the 
Rev. H. HoSten, S.J., and the works of Col. Sir Henry 
Yule. LaStly I have to express my gratitude to my 
wife, who has drawn the sketch maps for Parts II and 
III, and whose advice throughout has been of great 

C. H. P. 



THE Relations of Father Fernao Guerreiro, from 
which the three narratives in this volume have been 
taken, constitute a complete hiftory of the missionary 
undertakings of the Society of Jesus in the Eaft 
Indies, China, Japan, and Africa, during the fir& 
nine years of the seventeenth century. The work 
was compiled from the annual letters and reports 
sent to Europe from the various missionary centres. 
It was published in five Parts, or instalments, each 
covering a period of about two years, as follows : 

Part I (1600-1601) published at Evora by Manoel de Lyra in 1603 
II (1602-1603) Lisbon by lorge Rodrigues in 1605 
III (1604-1605) by Pedro Crasbeeck in 1607 

IV (1606-1607) by in 1609 

V (1607-1608) by ini6n 

The title of Part I is : Relafam annval das covsas qve 
fizeram os Padres da Companhia de IES7S na India, 
& lapao nos annos de 600. s? 60 1. &? do precesso da 
conversao, 6? ChriSlandade daquellas panes: tirada das 
cartas geraes qve de la vierao pello Padre Fernao Guer- 
reiro da Campanha de IESVS. The work, which has 
never been reprinted, is extremely scarce. All five 
Parts are in the library of the British Museum; but 
I know of no other complete set. A copy of Part V 
occasionally finds its way into the market; but the 



earlier volumes are to all intents and purposes unpro- 
curable. A Spanish translation of Part I, by Father 
Antonio Colafo, was published at Valladolid in 1604, 
and in 1614 a translation into the same language of 
Part V, by Suarez de Figueroa, was published at 
Madrid. Figueroa's work appears hitherto to have 
escaped notice, due no doubt to the faft that he does 
not disclose the name of the author whose work he 
is translating. Its title is, Hifforia y Anal Relafion 
de las cosas que hizieron los Padres de la Compania de 
Jesus, for las fanes de Oriente y otras, en la propagation 
del Santo Evangelio, los anos fassados de 1607 y 1608. 
It is a good translation, but is almost as scarce as the 
original work. The same remark applies to Father 
Colafo's Spanish version of Part I. 

Of Guerreiro himself little is known. De Backer, 
in his Bibliotheque des Ecrivains de la Comfagnie de 
Jesus, ftates that he was born at Almodovar in 1567, 
and that he died in 1617, having held many honour- 
able pofts. Father Pierre du Jarric, who had some 
correspondence with him in conneftion with the pre- 
paration of his Hifloire, in which he made extensive 
use of the Relations, says, in the preface to his work, 
that he was at that time (i.e. about the year 1608) 
Superior of the House of Profes at Lisbon, and refers 
to him as a man " of ripe and solid judgment, and very 
learned in these hiftories, who every two years has 
colle&ed, and compiled into a single volume, the 
letters from the Indies, to the great edification of those 
who desire to Study the progress of the Chriftian 
faith in foreign lands." 



Owing to its inaccessibility Guerreiro's work has 
received little notice. The chief contribution to the 
subjeft is an account of the fifth Relation, written by 
the Rev. H. Hoften, S.J., whose researches have adcted 
so largely to our knowledge of the Jesuit publications. 
This account, which appeared in the Journal of the 
Panjab Historical Society for 1918, contains an abftraft 
of the chapters relating to ' Mogor,' with translations 
of the more important passages, and many valuable 
notes. A translation by the same writer of a chapter 
relating to the mission to Pegu (see p. 265, note 5) ap- 
peared in the Catholic Herald of India (November I ith, 
1908), and in 1926 an English version of the account 
of the revolt of Khusru, by I. A, d'Silva, was published 
in the Journal of Indian History. It is possible that 
other portions of the work have been translated, but 
the above are all that I have seen. 

Jahangir and the Jesuits. 

The passages which make up the text account are 
taken from Part IV (fols. 148*-! 5 1) and Part V 
(fols. 6#-22#) of the Relations, Chapters I to IV being 
from the former, and Chapters V to IX from the latter. 
In these chapters (with the exception of the laft, which 
is taken from another source) Guerreiro has reproduced 
the substance of three letters written by Father Jerome 
Xavier to the Provincial of Goa, and dated respeftively 
September 25th, 1606, Auguft 8th, 1607, and Sep- 
tember 24th, 1608. The firl two were written from 
Lahore, and the laft from Agra. The portions re- 
lating to each letter are indicated in the notes. 

xv b 


When Jahangir ascended the throne, Father Xavier 
had already been ten years at the Mogul court, whither 
he had been sent in 1 595 as leader of the third Mission 
to the court of Akbar. The other original members 
of this Mission were Father Emanuel Pinheiro and 
Brother Benoift de Goes. In 1602 Brother Goes 
Parted on his travels to Cathay, and his place was 
taken by Father Francis Corsi ; and the same year the 
Mission was further Strengthened by the arrival from 
Goa of Father Anthony Machado. At the time of 
Akbar's death Fathers Xavier and Machado resided 
at Agra, and Pinheiro and Corsi at Lahore. 

I have fortunately been able to consult the originals 
of Father Xavier's letters, which I came upon amongft 
the Marsden MSS. in the British Museum Library. I 
have, therefore, been able to amplify, and occasionally 
to elucidate, Guerreiro's narrative. As the letters 
have never been published, and because of the value 
and interest attaching to them as contemporary records, 
I have not hesitated to quote from them freely. The 
manuscripts are, considering their age, in a good 
ftate of preservation ; but they are naturally time-worn, 
and have not altogether escaped the ravages of inse&s. 
Fortunately the damage is moftly to the margins of 
the pages ; but here and there a word, or even a whole 
line of the text has been obliterated. The letters are 
closely written, and on both sides of the paper. As I 
found Xavier's writing very difficult to read, I cannot 
guarantee that my transcriptions are free from miftakes. 

1 have been unable to trace the original documents 
used by Guerreiro in Chapter IX, in which he gives 



an account of Jahangir 's embassy to Goa. From certain 
Statements contained in the laft chapter (see note 20, 
p. 114) it is clear that the documents in question muft 
have been written immediately after the negotiations 
at Goa had terminated. In all probability Guerreiro 
derived his information from a letter, or letters, written 
by Father Pinheiro, and forwarded with, or incor- 
porated in, the Provincial's report for the year 1609. 

As I endeavoured to show in my introduftion to 
Akbar and the Jesuits, the Missions to the court of Akbar 
had both a religious and a political purpose, though 
some time elapsed before the latter became prominent. 
As religious enterprises they aimed at two things : the 
conversion of the Emperor, and the spread of Chri&ian- 
ity in his dominions. So far as the firft of these aims 
was concerned, the Missions were failures; for Akbar, 
despite his genuine admiration for the Founder and 
the teachings of the Christian religion, refused to be 
bound by its dogmas, and died in his own faith 
whatever that may have been. As far as the second 
aim was concerned, a certain measure of success was 
achieved. The converts made each year were few in 
number, but they were carefully selefted; and at the 
time our story opens a small but Staunch Christian 
community had grown up both in Agra and in Lahore. 

Apart from any political considerations, the exig- 
ence of these Christian communities necessitated the 
continued residence of Fathers of the Society at the 
Mogul court. Moreover, Strong hopes were enter- 
tained of the conversion of Jahangir, who, while his 
father was alive, had never loft an opportunity of in- 



gradating himself with the Fathers, and had frequently 
made public profession of his attachment to the 
faith they preached. Such hopes, however, were 
soon shown to be groundless. The Fathers had, in 
faft, been completely taken in by these early out- 
burSts of religious zeal, the sincerity of which they 
apparently never doubted. But Jahangir, or Prince 
Salim, as he then was, had his own reasons for the 
attitude he assumed at this period. He knew that his 
succession to the throne was by no means a foregone 
conclusion ; and he also knew that, in the event of his 
having to fight for his kingdom, the Portuguese had 
it in their power to render him very valuable assiSt- 
ance. In these circumstances, he was naturally 
anxious to Stand well with the authorities at Goa. 
The attitude of the latter would be largely determined 
by the reports received from the Mission ; and it was 
to make sure of being presented in a favourable light, 
that he cultivated the friendship of the Fathers, and 
posed as a prospective convert to Christianity. 

Unlike his father, Jahangir had no feeling for 
religion. Though he was interested in, and took 
some pains to understand, the doftrines of Christianity 
and other faiths, he was in no real sense a seeker after 
the truth. The Study of religious problems was with 
him nothing more than a hobby. It amused him to 
liSten to disputes between his Mullas and the Fathers, 
juSt as it amused him to watch a fencing match or a 
cock-fight. When either side scored a point, he clapped 
his hands with delight, particularly if the point was 
scored againSt his Mullas, whose discomfiture always 



afforded him intense amusement. He frequently 
joined in these disputes; and as he usually took the 
side of the Fathers, and made no effort to conceal his 
contempt for his own faith, new hopes began to be 
entertained of his conversion. These were strength- 
ened by the fondness and reverence he displayed for 
piftures of ChriSt and the Virgin and the Christian 
saints, of which he possessed a large number. But 
once more the Fathers were too sanguine. If Jahangir 
sided with them in their disputes, it was mainly for 
the pleasure of shocking his Mullas, and showing 
his own knowledge and skill in debate; while he prized 
the sacred piftures which the Fathers gave him, not, 
as they fondly imagined, out of veneration for the 
subjects represented, but because he had a passion 
for works of art and curios of all kinds, and especially 
for piftures, of which he was not only an enthusiastic 
colle&or, but a very competent judge. He respefted 
Islam as little as, or even less than, Akbar; but 
though he, too, appears to have had a genuine admira- 
tion for Christianity, he was never, like his father, 
drawn towards it. Akbar felt the want of a religion ; 
and Christianity made so Strong an appeal to him that, 
if he could have accepted its dogmas, he would probably 
have been baptised. " Explain the Incarnation to 
me," he once said, "and I will become a Christian, 
though it coSt me my kingdom." Jahangir would 
have subscribed to one set of dodtrines as readily as 
to another; but he had very little use for any religion, 
and none at all for one that would not permit him as 
many wives as he wanted. 



Until the laft two years of Akbar's reign, the politi- 
cal aspeft of the Mission was very little in evidence; 
though we may suppose that, from the firft, the Fathers 
had been expedled to keep a watchful eye on what 
was going on around them, and to forward to Goa 
any information likely to be of value to the Portuguese 
authorities. But after the accession of Jahangir, the 
Mission began gradually to assume the character and 
funftions of an embassy, and, pan passu, the cause 
of evangelisation loft ground. The Fathers, as we 
shall see, succeeded in outplaying the English traveller, 
Hawkins, and Guerreiro ends his narrative on a note 
of vidlory. But the knell of Portuguese supremacy 
in the Eat had already sounded. The employment 
of the Fathers as political agents, while it did much to 
impair their spiritual influence, did little to retard the 
impending ruin, the cause of which was not only the 
appearance on the scene of such powerful rivals as the 
English and the Dutch, but the faft that for years paft 
Portugal had been unable to afford her eaftern enter- 
prises the support in men and money which they so 
urgently needed; for, since her union with Spain in 
1580, Portugal had ceased to be mistress of her own 
resources; and the means which might have been 
expended in rendering her overseas possessions 
secure, were diverted into other channels. There 
was another circumstance which contributed to the 
completeness of the collapse. From the days of Vasco 
da Gama onwards, the Portuguese had never laid 
themselves out to win the afFeftions of the eaftern 
races with whom their commercial ventures brought 



them into contaft. Their courage inspired respeft 
wherever they went, and their skill in battle, by land 
or sea, led many to court their alliance. But they were 
proud and intolerant; and their general attitude 
towards Oriental peoples and Oriental beliefs and 
customs was one of arrogant contempt. Added to 
this, their control of the seas, which they exercised 
with relentless severity, was regarded with deep and 
widespread resentment. Thus the Portuguese were 
admired, feared, and hated. But they were feared 
and hated more than they were admired; and when 
their position was challenged, they found themselves 
without a friend in the EaSt. 

The Travels of Beneditt Goes 

Apart from a few brief references in the letters of 
Father Jerome Xavier, all that we know for certain 
of the journey of Benedict Goes to Cathay is contained 
in the writings of Father Matteo Ricci and Father 
Fernao Guerreiro. Father Pierre du Jarric has fre- 
quently been cited as an authority; but the account of 
Goes' travels contained in his HiSloire is taken entirely 
from the Relations of Guerreiro, and has, therefore, 
no independent value. It is important only because 
of the extreme rarity of the latter work. We are, 
however, indebted to du Jarric for the preservation of 
a curious and interesting account, taken from a letter 
written by Father Xavier on the 26th July, 1598, 
of the circumftances which led to the dispatch of a 
Mission to Cathay, This occurs in Part II of the 
Hi8oire\ and as it explains to some extent the Strange 



beliefs regarding Cathay that were current in Brother 
Benedict's day, and enables us to underhand the nature 
of the problems he was sent to investigate, I have 
incorporated its translation with the text, as an intro- 
duftory chapter to Guerreiro's narrative. 

Father Ricci's account of the Cathay Mission, 
derived from the fragments of Goes' diary, and the 
information supplied by his servant Isaac, has, until 
quite recently, been known only through the Latin 
version of Father Nicolas Trigault, which was firft 
published in 1615, and of which we have an English 
translation in Sir Henry Yule's well-known work, 
Cathay and the Way Thither (IV., pp. 198-254). In 
1911, however, Ricci's aftual memoirs were published 
at Macerata, under the editorship of Father Tacchi 
Venturi, S.J., to whom we owe the discovery of the 
original manuscript. Father Venturi's work is en- 
titled, Of ere Storriche del P. Matteo Ricci, S.J. It 
consists of two volumes, the firft (Commentarj della 
Cina) containing a general history of the Chinese 
Mission, and the second (Le Lettere dalla Cina\ Father 
Ricci's letters. The account of the Mission to Cathay 
occurs in the Commentarj (pp. 526-558), and additional 
details are furnished by several of the letters in the 
second volume. The discovery and publication of 
Ricci's own work naturally displaces Trigault's Latin 
version, which, though in the main reliable, is very 
far from being a literal translation. M. Henri Cordier 
was fortunately able to make use of Father Venturi's 
two volumes in his revision of Cathay and the Way 
Thither \ so that the account of Benedift Goes con- 



tamed in that work Still remains the moSl complete 
and authoritative that we possess. 

Like Ricci's memoirs, the Relations of Guerreiro 
are Still known, except to a very few, only through a 
translation, and that a very incomplete one. For 
though du Jarric drew the materials for the third 
part of his HiSloire almoSt exclusively from the Rela- 
tions, considerable portions of which he literally 
translated, there are many passages of the Portuguese 
work which he either abridged, or briefly summarised, 
or even omitted altogether. On the whole it may be 
said that du Jarric abridged wisely; but there are not 
a few instances, and this applies particularly to his 
account of the mission to Cathay, in which he has 
deprived his readers of matter that is both important 
and interesting. 

Guerreiro 's account of Goes' Mission is to be found 
in Part II (fols. 61^-65*), Part IV (fols. i62*-i68), 
and Part V (fols. 23-28) of his Relations. The firSt 
two instalments are of special value, being based on 
the letters which Goes sent back to India whilst on 
his way to, and during his sojourn at, Yarkand. They 
thus shed light where it is moSt needed; for Ricci, who 
never saw these letters, knew very little about the earlier 
Stages of Goes' journey, of which his account is not 
only meagre, but manifestly inaccurate, or perhaps 
'incorreft' would be the better word; for Ricci, no 
doubt, did the beSt he could with the scanty and 
fragmentary data he had to work upon. The chrono- 
logical confusion which faces us in his account of the 
journey from Lahore to Yarkand suggeSts that the 



firSt part of Goes' diary reached him in a worse Slate 
of mutilation than the laSt part; while for filling up 
blanks in the record, the memory of the Armenian 
Isaac was doubtless of less and less assistance, the 
further it had to travel back. It muSl also be borne 
in mind that Goes did not keep a diary in order that 
someone else might describe his travels, but that he 
might describe them himself. And not only were his 
notes and figures intended for his own information 
only; they muSt often have been written under the 
moSt trying circumstances, when the cold alone was 
sufficient to make the aft of writing almoSt a physical 
impossibility. It is not surprising, therefore, that 
Ricci found a difficulty in reconStrudting his pilgrim- 
age. His task would have been no easy one if Goes' 
diary had reached him intaft. 

After his departure from Yarkand, Goes sent no 
more letters to his friends in India, and from this point 
Guerreiro followed Father Ricci, reproducing even 
his blunders, though he contradicted his own narrative 
in doing so. He could not, of course, have seen 
Ricci's memoirs, since Part V of his Relations was 
published in 161 1 ; it was, in faft, completed in 1610, 
as we know from the licenfas for printing it, the firSl 
of which is dated " em Lisboa 23 de Dezembro 1610 "; 
whereas Ricci did not complete the composition of 
his memoirs till March or April, 1610, and another 
five years elapsed before the publication of Trigault's 
Latin version gave them to the world. That being 
the case, it is, I think, evident that Guerreiro made 
use of the earlier account of Goes' travels, which we 



know that Ricci sent, at the end of 1607, to the 
Provincial of India, for transmission, via Portugal, to 
the General at Rome. This account Ricci refers to 
in two letters written from Peking in 1608 to the 
General of the Society, one dated March 8th, and the 
other August 22nd. In the latter he says: "Nel 
tempo che qui Alette Isaac, con quello che ritrovai fra 
gli scritti del fratello Benedetto, aguitandomi di quello 
che Isaac aveva anco vifto, feci una relatione di tutto 
il viaggio, arrivata, &ata in Succeo e mofte del detto 
fratello Benedetto e, di quello che poi successe al 
fratello Giovanni, e la mandai al p. provinciale dell' 
India, per portersi mandare a V.P. per via di Portogallo : 
e T itesso feci al p. viceprovinciale del Giappone, 
pregandolo mandasse a V.P. per via della Nova 
Spagna. E se bene fu scritta in lingua portoghese, 
con tutto la la potranno voltare in italiano; e cosi non 
volsi tornarlo a ripetere in quela, per tenere per cosa 
certa che o per T Oriente o per T Occidente sapri V.P. 
tutto quello che sopra di cio mi occorse scrivere " 
(Op. Stor., II 356). Unfortunately no copy of this 
earlier narrative exists; but Guerreiro, by preserving 
the subftance of it in this chapter, has to a large extent 
compensated us for the loss. It was evidently much 
less detailed than that which Ricci subsequently wrote; 
for of the journey from Yarkand to Su-chow Guerreiro 
gives us little more than the bare outline. 

Even of the journey from Lahore to Yarkand the 
Commentarj contains numerous details which are not 
to be found in the Relations ; for apart from the letters 
of Goes, Guerreiro can have had little information at 



his disposal. His account of the Mission to Cathay 
muSt, therefore, be regarded as a supplement, though 
a very valuable supplement, to Ricci's narrative. The 
notes to my translation are also intended to be of 
a purely supplementary character. The difficulties 
which beset the Student of Goes' travels are legion; 
but they are for the moSt part exhaustively dealt with 
in the revised edition of Colonel Yule's work. Only 
in one or two instances are the conclusions there given 
affefted by the evidence of Goes' letters. As those 
who desire to make a special Study of the subjedt will 
necessarily take Yule's work as their chief guide, I 
have attempted to give only such additional explana- 
tions as Guerreiro's narrative seemed to me to call 
for. As Father Ricci's letters are almoSt unknown in 
this country, I hope the reader will regard the quota- 
tions I have made from them as an interesting feature 
of my notes. I shall not resent it if he regards them 
as the redeeming feature. 

The Mission to Pegu 

I have called this extract " The Mission to Pegu " 
because Guerreiro himself uses this expression. But 
the missionary element enters very little into the 
Story, for which a more appropriate title would be 
"The Portuguese at Syriam," or perhaps "The Rise 
and Fall of Philip de Brito "; for de Brito has every 
claim to be regarded as the hero, or villain (according 
to the reader's choice) of the piece, since it was to him 
that the Portuguese owed their temporary possession 
of the Syriam fortress. 



Our chief authorities for the events of Philip de 
Brito's brief * reign ' at Syriam are the Relations of 
Guerreiro, the Decada of Antonio Bocarro, and Faria 
y Sousa's Asia Portuguesa. Of these the laft named 
is the beft known, and is the only one of the three 
that has been translated into English. The original 
work, in three volumes, was published at Lisbon 
between the years 1666 and 1675, and an English 
translation by Captain J. Stevens appeared in 1695. 
Bocarro's Decada (usually known as Decada 13) was 
completed in 1635; but ^ remained praftically un- 
known until the year 1876, when it was printed for 
the firft time by the Royal Academy of Sciences at 
Lisbon (Collecfao de Monumentos Ineditos, Vol. VI). 

The Portuguese occupation of Syriam covered a 
period of thirteen years, namely from 1600 to 1613. 
Unfortunately the Relations of Guerreiro take us down 
only to the year 1609. It has been necessary, there- 
fore, to complete the ftory from another source, and 
this has been done by the addition of a chapter from 
the Decada of Bocarro. I have chosen Bocarro in 
preference to Faria y Sousa, partly because his work 
is ftill unknown in this country, and also because his 
account is more detailed and more authoritative than 
that contained in Faria y Sousa's later work. Antonio 
Bocarro was for some years (1631 to 1649) official 
historian at Goa, and Keeper of the Records (Guarda 
m6r da Torre do Tombo da India). His Decada 
was intended as a continuation of the Decadas da Asia, 
written by his predecessor Diogo do Couto, which 
was itself a continuation of the Decadas of Joao de 



Barros. The latter writer composed four Decadas, 
his account ending with the year 1539. Do Couto 
continued the history down to the end of the sixteenth 
century, his laft volume being Decada 12. Bocarro's 
work has consequently been known as Decada 13, 
though the title he gave to it himself was Decada 
primeira. Its detailed charafter may be judged from 
the faft that it covers 756 quarto pages, while the period 
dealt with is only five years (1612-1617). Sr. de Lima 
Felner, the editor of the sixth volume of the Docu- 
mentos Ineditos, refers to Bocarro as a highly conscien- 
tious writer, and a severe, though impartial judge of 
men and affairs: "Nao occulta, levado por vao 
patriotismo, as ulceras que lavraram at & medula nos 
principaes personagens d'aquelle tempo, nem esconde 
o eftado de decadencia a que havia chegado o nosso 
poderio e o nosso commercio, n'uma poca em que a 
gente da India parecia haver completamente esquecido 
a sombra d'aquelles vultos gigantes que sobresaiam 
entre tantos heroes, como D. Francisco de Almeida e 
Affonso de Albuquerque." 

Although at the commencement of the sixteenth 
century the power of Portugal was already on the 
wane, her maritime supremacy in the Eaft had not 
yet been seriously threatened or shaken. Her eastern 
settlements were more numerous, and were scattered 
over a wider area, than ever before. The places 
occupied were in nearly all cases seaports, which 
served the double purpose of trading centres and naval 
bases; for she had, from the firft, no desire to burden 
herself with extensive territorial possessions. The 



only ' territory ' over which she sought to reign 
supreme, and through which a right of way was 
denied to all who refused to pay her price, was the 
sea. In faft, it may be said that Portugal's eaStern 
possessions consisted of a large traft of sea with 
numerous settlements and fortresses on its boundaries. 
Of this watery realm, the city of Goa was the metro- 
polis and the G.H.Q. of the administration. Outside 
India and the Bay of Bengal, the principal Strong- 
holds were Mozambique, Mombasa, Muscat, Ormuz, 
Colombo, Malaca, and Macao. It was the attempt 
to establish yet another ' frontier poSt,' or > as 
Guerreiro would have put it, ' to add another jewel 
to the crown of this realm,' that forms the subjeft of 
the present extraft. 

The faft that more than three hundred years ago 
one Philip de Brito built a fort on the Pegu river, held 
it for a dozen years, and then loSt it, is not in itself 
of outstanding importance. Nevertheless, the at- 
tendant circumstances are worth our attention, because 
of the insight they afford into the maritime policy of 
the Portuguese at this period, the methods by whi$j& 
it was pursued, and the causes which contributed to 
its failure. The Story of Philip de Brito's short-lived 
triumph and its tragic conclusion is the hiStory in 
miniature of the rise and collapse of Portuguese power 
in the EaSt. 





EIGHT days after the death of King Aquebar, 2 the 
new King went to the palace to take possession 
of the realm. By his orders a dais, very splen- 
didly adorned, had been erefted, and he came forth and 
took his seat thereon. The people brought gifts to 
him, and all shouted Pad lausalamat, i Hail King.' 3 
Then he entered the fortress, which he made his royal 

All men hoped much from the new King, and especi- 
ally the Fathers, who believed that his accession would 
lead many to embrace the Christian faith. For up to 
that time he had been looked upon almoft as a Chriftian, 
and had been openly spoken of as such by his adherents. 
But these hopes were disappointed; for he had sworn 
an oath to the Moors to uphold the law of Mafamede 
[Muhammad], and being anxious at the commence- 
ment of his reign to secure their good will, he gave 
orders for the cleansing of the mosques, restored the 
fa&s [ramesas"] 4 and prayers of the Moors, and took 
the name Nurdim mohamad lahanuir, 6 which signifies, 
" The Splendour of the Law of Mafamede, Conqueror 
of the World." Of the Fathers he took no more 
notice than if he had never seen them before. 6 

Not long after the death of the old King, and the 
accession of the new, the Prince, the son of the latter, 



revolted again& his father, juft as the new King when 
Prince had himself revolted againft his father 
Aquebar. On account of certain grievances and 
suspicions, the Prince, on the night of Saturday, the 
1 5th of April, 7 left the fortress with a number of his 
friends and adherents, without letting it be known 
whither he was going. Those who accompanied him 
gave out that it was his purpose to visit the tomb of 
his grandfather, and with this excuse he was able to 
pass safely by the Merinho Mor 8 and all the King's 
guards. His followers now commenced to call him 
Soltam la, 9 that is, King Soltam, and they collefted as 
many horses as they could find, and whatever else they 
needed for defending themselves. 

On being informed of these things, the King, after 
listening to various counsels, determined to go himself 
in pursuit of his son, and as soon as day broke he set 
forth. 10 It happened that the Prince fell in with a 
great Captain 11 who was on his way to Lahor to see 
the King, and succeeded in persuading him to join 
his side. Soon afterwards, he met another Captain 
who had with him a hundred thousand rupees (equal 
to forty thousand crusados, more or less), which he was 
taking to the King. The Prince seized the money, 
and persuaded this Captain also to join him. He then 
made a liberal distribution of his plunder amongft 
his soldiers, the report of which, being noised abroad, 
soon brought twelve thousand more men to his side, 
so that by the time he reached Lahor (which is a 
hundred leagues from Agra whence he had fled) he 
was at the head of a considerable force. 


But the people of Labor, who had been informed 
of his flight, closed the gates of the city and refused 
him entrance. For eight days the Prince closely 
besieged the city; but he was unable to take it. On 
learning that his father was coming, and was already 
near at hand, he gave up the siege and turned to 
encounter his pursuers, hoping to prevent them from 
crossing the river. But he was too late; for already 
a portion of the King's army had made the passage ; 
while to add to the difficulties of the unfortunate 
Prince, rain fell so violently that it rendered the bows 
of his men useless and their horses unmanageable. 
Nevertheless, putting all to the hazard, he threw 
himself upon the King's troops. During this onset 
many of those who had crossed the river were slain, 
and all this portion of the imperial army might have 
been put to flight, had not one of the King's Captains, 
seeing that the resistance of his men was weakening, 
made use of the following Stratagem. Having dis- 
guised a number of foot-soldiers as messengers, he 
bade them go and mingle with the troops of the 
Prince, and spread the report that the King had 
crossed the river, and was rapidly approaching with 
a great army. As messenger followed messenger, 
each bringing the same news, all the Prince's soldiers 
believed it to be true. After a short while, the same 
Captain suddenly ordered trumpets to be sounded 
and drums to be beaten, as is always done when the 
King marches. 12 

The Prince was for continuing the attack, and had 
he done so he would have completely routed the 



troops on that side of the river, which might have 
caused those who were with the King to lose heart, 
and so his enterprise might have succeeded. But his 
followers, overcome by their dread of the King, whom 
they wrongly believed to be close at hand, loft heart 
and counselled inStant flight; and when the Prince 
would not liSten to their words, his General, seizing 
the bridle of his horse, forced him to turn back, 
telling him that he was going to his destruction. But 
this sealed the Prince's fate; for his troops, seeing 
that he had set his back to the enemy, Straightway 
turned and fled in disorder. They were pursued by 
the King's troops, and many of them were slain. 13 

The King now crossed the river, while the Prince 
fled towards the Kingdom of Cabul, which also be- 
longed to his father. Messengers had already been 
sent to every place where it was possible for the Prince 
to cross the intervening river, with orders that every 
passage was to be held againSt him; and by the time 
he reached one of these passages, 14 the King's message 
had already been received, and the Captain who 
governed in those parts was waiting to intercept him. 
He had given orders that all boats were to be removed 
except one, and that when the Price had embarked, 
the boatmen were, as if by mischance, to Steer the boat 
on to a sandbank which was in the middle of the 
Stream, and then, on the pretext of fetching others to 
their assistance, were to come and report to him. 
All this the boatmen did, whereon the Governor, 
entering another boat, made his way to the Prince, 
with whom were his General and one or two others. 



The Governor treated him with due ceremony, and 
condufted him, all unsuspefting, to his fortress. As 
soon as he had his captives safely lodged, he excused 
himself on the ground that he was going to give orders 
for their refreshment, and left them, locking the gates 
behind him. The Prince's followers, having no means 
of crossing the river, could do nothing to help their 
mafter; and learning that he was a prisoner, they 
dispersed and hid themselves. 

Meanwhile the King, in great anxiety as to the 
whereabouts of his son, continued his march to Lahor. 
As he neared the city, the two Fathers in charge of 
the church there came out to pay their respefts to 
him. They had been in great peril from the Gentiles, 
who had threatened to destroy them as soon as the 
Prince entered the gates. 15 After proceeding about 
two leagues, they met the King at the head of his 
army. He was riding between two lines of troops in 
fine array, and was attended by many great lords. 
He was preceded by an advance guard, who cleared 
the way before him, allowing none to remain on the 
road. The Fathers, however, were permitted to pass 
on until they came to the King, who, on seeing them, 
drew rein, and the whole army came to a halt. They 
approached and embraced his feet; and His Majesty, 
with a very amiable countenance, enquired after their 
welfare, and took into his hands the small present 
which they offered to him; then signing to them to 
withdraw, he continued his march. 

Towards evening he received news that his son 
was a prisoner, and a Captain, with a guard, was at 



once dispatched to bring him to Lahor. Having 
entered the fortress where the Prince was, the Captain, 
without any display of courtesy or respeft, produced 
fetters, covered with velvet, and said that he was 
commanded by the King to put them on his feet. 
Having thus secured him, he brought him away, 
together with his fellow-captives, under a lrong 
guard. On their return, the King sent an elephant, 
meanly harnessed, to carry the Prince across the river, 
and ordered him to be brought to the pleasure-house 
where he then was, for he had not yet made his entry 
into the city. On being informed of his arrival, he 
withdrew into the house, perchance to give way, like 
Joseph, to the natural feelings of a father. But in a 
little while he came out, and ordered him to approach. 
The whole court awaited in suspense the sentence 
of the King. The speftacle of the poor Prince, 
chained hand and foot, being led into his father's 
presence, moved all who witnessed it to compassion. 
As soon as he saw the King he made signs of sub- 
mission and reverence. His Majefty ordered him to 
approach and place himself amongst his Captains. 
Then turning on him a countenance full of wrath, he 
upbraided him in the mol bitter terms. The two 
chief Captains of the Prince were also made to come 
before him. One of these had been a great Captain 
uhder this, as well as under the late King, whom he 
had served in many important offices. The other had 
held the poft of Treasurer, and had been Governor of 
Lahor. As these two ftood before him, heavily 
manacled, His Maje&y spoke mockingly to them of 



the King they had chosen to follow, and of the fine 
Captains their King had chosen to aid him in his 
exploit. Finally he made over the Prince to one of 
his Captains with orders that he was to be kept in 
chains and closely guarded. As to the two Captains, 
the foremoSl, having been Stripped naked, was en- 
veloped in the skin of a newly slaughtered ox, and the 
other, the Chief Steward, was similarly arrayed in the 
skin of an ass, also newly slain for the purpose. The 
skins were sewn tightly over them so that they were 
put to extreme torture as they dried and shrank. 
They were left thus throughout the night, and in the 
morning they were paraded through the city, clad in 
the manner described, and each riding upon an ass, 
with his face turned towards the tail. 

The sight of these two great nobles, the one having 
the horns of an ox fixed to his head, and the other the 
ears of an ass, caused the greatest aStonishment 
amongSl the people, who were accustomed to see 
them so differently arrayed. When they returned to 
the pleasure-house where the King was, the Captain 
was so overcome by the ignominy to which he had been 
exposed in the Greets, where he had formerly gone 
in Slate with his elephants and horses and retainers, 
that he had no Strength left in him, and fell to the 
ground as one dead. The King ordered his head to 
be cut off and sent to Agra to be fixed to the gate of 
the city. His body was cut up into quarters which 
were hung up on the roadside. 

The Treasurer was left sewn up in his case; but the 
King, as a great favour, gave permission that his servant 



might moi&en the skin so that it should grip him less 
severely. But this relief had its drawbacks, for the 
moifture engendered fleas and other vermin, so that 
he was tormented worse than before, and he counted 
himself happy whenever he could crush some of them 
in his fingers and get rid of them. At the same time, 
owing to the heat of the sun, the skin began to putrefy, 
and gave forth such an evil smell that none would go 
near him. In the end, however, he was set free; 
for a courtier who was desirous of marrying his 
daughter interceded for him to such good purpose 
that he obtained his pardon; but for this he had to 
pay His Majefty something over a hundred thousand 
crowns. On the same evening that he paid this sum, 
he was unsewn, and conduced to the city. After 
a few days, he began to go about as usual, and the 
King restored him to his office as though nothing 
had happened. 16 

Many of the Prince's followers had also been 
captured; and on the day that the King made his entry 
into the city, two hundred of these captives decorated 
his route, on either side of which they had, by his 
orders, been impaled or hanged. Amongft them 
were many who were related to his chief favourites; 
but none dared to interfere in their behalf, le& he 
should be accounted a partisan of the Prince. 17 The 
King, mounted on a magnificently caparisoned ele- 
phant, entered the city in triumph. As he passed 
along the route, he turned his head from side to side 
to regard his viftims, listening to what was told him 
of each. A little behind, the fetters ftill on his feet, 



and mounted on a small elephant devoid of harness 
or trappings, came the Prince, a speftator by com- 
pulsion of this tragic sequel to his ill-judged adventure. 

After entering Lahor the King confined the Prince 
in his palace. He ftill kept him in chains, but of a 
somewhat lighter description than before. To make 
his degradation complete, he deprived him of his 
titles and his right to succeed to the throne, transferring 
these to his second son. A hundred thousand crowns 
came to the King through the Captain whose head 
he had cut off, and other large sums through the other 
offenders. 18 All this he kept for himself; but the 
horses and other things that he took from his son, 
he conferred on those whom the unfortunate Prince 
looked upon as his greatest enemies, thereby rendering 
his vexation the more acute. 

While the Prince was flying from Agra, he passed 
the spot where there dwelt one whom the Gentiles 
call Goru, 19 a title equivalent to that of Pope amongft 
the Christians. This person was looked upon as a 
saint, and was greatly venerated. On account of his 
reputation for holiness, the Prince went to see him, 
hoping apparently that this would bring him good 
fortune. The Goru congratulated him on his new 
royalty, and placed his tiara 20 on his head. Although 
the Prince was a Moor, the Goru deemed it lawful 
to beftow on him this mark of dignity, proper only 
to a Gentile, since he was the son of a Pagan woman; 
and the Prince accepted it, believing the Goru to be 
a saint. 

When, after his son's capture, the King heard of 



this circumstance, he ordered the Goru to be appre- 
hended, and for some time kept him a prisoner. 
However, certain Gentiles interceded on behalf of 
their holy man, and in the end he was allowed to 
purchase his freedom for a hundred thousand crusados, 
for which sum a wealthy Gentile became his surety. 
Now this man thought that either the King would 
remit the fine or that the Goru would himself provide, 
or at any rate find some means of raising, the sum 
required. But in these hopes he was disappointed, 
and in consequence he proceeded to take from the 
wretched pontiff all his worldly possessions, including 
the furniture of his house, and even the clothes of his 
wife and children; for these Gentiles regard neither 
Pope nor Father where money is concerned. And 
when this did not suffice to pay the fine, he subjected 
him to every kind of ill-usage, causing him to be 
beaten with slippers, and preventing food from being 
given to him, in the hope that his vidtim, to escape 
from his sufferings, would produce the money which 
he Still believed him to possess. But neither the Goru 
nor those about him could meet the demands of his 
tormentor; and at laft the poor man died, overcome 
by the miseries heaped upon him by those who had 
formerly paid him reverence. 21 The Gentile sought 
to escape his obligations by flight, but he was taken, 
and having been deprived of everything that he 
possessed, was thrown into prison, where he died. 




HAVING put an end to these disorders, the King 
occupied himself with the government of his kingdom. 
He displayed so great a love for justice that, calling 
to mind what one of the ancient kings of Persia had 
done, he gave orders that a silver bell with a chain 
twenty cubits long should be suspended close to his 
own apartments, so that all who felt that they had 
grievances and were unable to obtain redress at the 
hands of the law or the officers of the State, might 
pull this chain, when the King would immediately 
come forth and deliver justice verbally. 2 He also 
gave orders that merchants were no longer to pay the 
tolls demanded from them by his Captains in various 
places through which they passed; and he restored to 
their heirs the goods which, according to the orders 
of his father, came into the King's possession when 
the owners died. Out of this arose trouble for the 
Fathers. For the late King had during his lifetime 
given to them some houses which had belonged to a 
certain Gentile, in which they had established their 
church and taken up their abode. The heirs now 
demanded the restitution of these houses, as well as 
of some others in which Christians were living. The 
matter was brought before the King, and the claimants, 
thinking to achieve their objeft the more easily, said 



many evil things about the Fathers. 3 But the King 
paid no heed to them, telling them that if their allega- 
tions had been true, complaints would have reached 
him long before ; and in the end he confirmed the gift 
of the houses, and said that he would liSten to no 
more complaints regarding grants made by his father 
to the Christians. The Fathers gladly endured the 
difficulties and dangers to which this dispute exposed 
them, and which, for love of their church, they faced 
so resolutely. They have made their church very 
beautiful, so that every day Moors and Gentiles newly 
arrived in the city ask to be allowed to see it, and are 
greatly aStonished at its perfection. The buildings 
have the appearance of a college. There are verandahs, 
and fine upper rooms for winter use, and lower ones 
for the summer. There is a separate apartment for 
every office, very conveniently arranged, and there is 
also a porter's lodge with a bell for the use of those 
who pass in and out. Thus, in the heart of this 
Moorish kingdom, there is a Company established as 
though it were in a Christian land, exercising all its 
functions, and regarded with such respeft that when- 
ever the Fathers go abroad the children in the Streets 
cry * Padrigi SalamatJ that is, "God keep you, Sefior 
Padre," which rejoices the hearts of the Fathers, 
leading them to hope that God will one day give these 
children grace to know Him, since they show such 
affeftion for His servants. 

After the difficulty about the houses, another cir- 
cumStance occurred which caused the Fathers no less 
anxiety. It came about in this manner. The new 



King, having taken the sceptre into his hands, be- 
thought himself of the oath which he had sworn 
to the Moors. Now there was in his household a 
young Gentile, the son of a great Captain who had 
been much favoured by the late King. Some years 
previously this young man had for certain reasons 
been circumcised; and one evening, when he was in 
the royal presence, the King referred to this circum- 
stance, and said that since he had been circumcised he 
was no longer a Gentile, and that he ought to take 
another law. This he at firft declined to do ; but the 
King insisted, and finally said, " If you wish to become 
a Moor, here are the Mullas, who will teach you their 
law. Or if you would rather become a Christian, I 
will send for the Fathers, who will baptise you/ 1 
Finding himself forced to make a choice, and worked 
upon by those who were present, he elefted to take 
the law of the Moors, which he did, and was paraded 
through the city on an elephant with great ftate, and 
amid much rejoicing, to the great contentment of the 
Moors and the mortification of the Gentiles. 

Seeing how he had pleased the Moors, the King 
determined to try a similar experiment with a Christian, 
choosing for his purpose a young Armenian of a very 
honourable character. This young man had likewise 
been made much of by the late King, who had his 
two sons brought up with his own grandsons, showing 
them great affeftion, which they well merited, for there 
were no children so well behaved in the royal palace. 
Some years ago this Armenian had, under pressure 
from one of the King's wives, and by order of the King 



himself, married the sifter of his deceased wife who 
was the mother of his two children. 4 From that time 
the Moors maintained that the Armenian had made 
himself one of them, since he had followed a Moorish 
cuftom and married two sifters, though in truth he 
was not, and had never admitted himself to be, a 
follower of their faith. It chanced that about this 
time he came from the province which he governed 5 
to pay his respefts to the new King, and to submit 
his accounts to the controller of the royal treasury. 
Now the King, having made up his mind to make this 
man a Moor, took counsel with the Treasurer with 
whom he had business, and the latter, aided by his 
friends, did all in his power, partly by threats and 
partly by promise of favours, to bend the Armenian 
to the King's will. But the young man's conftancy 
to his faith remained unshaken, to the great joy of 
the Chriftians, and especially of the Fathers, to whom 
he recounted his difficulties and trials, saying, " There 
is nothing I desire more than to die for the faith which 
I follow, as an atonement for the sins of which I have 
been guilty, and the scandal which I have occasioned." 
It was at this junfture that the King was overtaken 
by the ftorm of troubles occasioned by the flight of 
the Prince from Agra ; and on his departure in pursuit 
of his son, the Armenian seized the opportunity to 
return to his province, taking his two sons with him. 
After the defeat of the Prince, the King, having taken 
up his quarters at Lahor, enquired for the children, 
and when in course of time they arrived at the palace, 
he received them very kindly. He enquired after their 



father, and told them they were to remain with him as 
before. In the evening of the same day, they were 
spoken of in the presence of the King; and when 
many things had been said in their praise, a certain 
Moor who was present remarked to the King, " It is 
a pity that children of such excellent parts are not 
Moors." This set the match to the fire. The King 
asked them what law they followed, and they answered 
that they were Christians like their father. " Their 
father is not a Moor," said the King. " But he is, 
Sire," said one of those present, " because after the 
manner of a Moor he has married the sifter of his firSt 
wife." But the children insisted that they were and 
always had been Christians. " Then," said the King, 
" since you are Christians you shall eat hog's flesh." 
When the King said this, both the children shuddered, 
for they had been brought up by one of the Queens, 
from whom they had imbibed various Moorish notions, 
and they loathed hog's flesh like the Moors them- 
selves, so that their father had never been able to 
induce the elder child even to taSte it. They told the 
King that though their law did not forbid them to 
eat hog's flesh, it did not oblige them to do so. 

Nothing more was said on the subjeft that night, 
and the next day the children went to the Fathers and 
told them what had taken place. The Fathers fortified 
them with advice and encouragement, for they knew 
the King's nature, and that he would never allow the 
matter to drop; and the next evening the children had 
to withstand a fresh assault. Again one of those 
present insisted that they were Moors. a They have 

17 B 


been brought up as Moors," he said, " and it is only 
reasonable that they should be Moors." These words 
were greeted with cries of "Hear, hearl" while the 
King forbade the children to leave the palace, and 
ordered them to be confined to a certain place as 
though they were prisoners, thinking that with no 
one to encourage them they would be the more easily 
overcome. News of this was carried to the Fathers 
by some of their relatives, one of whom, declaring 
that he was ready to give his life for Christ, drew his 
dagger from his belt and entrusting it with what 
money he had to the Fathers, entered the palace and 
made his way to the children's side. When they 
again came before the King, the battle about their 
faith and the eating of hog's flesh began anew. The 
younger lad said they would eat as the King ordered 
if the Fathers told them it was their duty. The King 
would have summoned the Fathers to put them to the 
te&; but one of his courtiers, enraged at the lad's 
reply, gave him two severe blows, saying, " Do you 
answer thus ? How dare you refer to the Fathers 
when His Majesty gives you an order!" Upon this, 
the King, putting aside the question of the hog's 
flesh, went to the root of the matter. "Li&en to 
mel" he said. " You are to become Moors. Repeat 
the Ca/ima," 6 which is the confession of the law of 
Mafamede. But the two lads remained silent; where- 
on the King sent for the whip used for scourging 
criminals, and ordered them to be flogged. Terrified 
into submission by the prospeft of this torture, the 
children repeated through their clenched teeth the 



words demanded by the Moors. After this they were 
allowed to go, and they returned downcast and miser- 
able to their apartment. In the morning, the King 
sent a barber to circumcise them. But to this they 
refused to submit, and they made so loud an outcry 
that the barber left them and went to tell the King, 
who at once sent for them and asked them the meaning 
of their refusal. They replied that they were Chris- 
tians and that they would remain Christians, and 
would not be circumcised. The Fathers, who had 
been each day to the palace to see the lads, had pre- 
pared them for this laSt Struggle with counsel and 
exhortations. They had also tried to gain access to 
the King that they might speak to him on the children's 
behalf; but the Moors were so watchful that they had 
no opportunity of doing so. 

The King, on hearing what the children said, tried 
to make them yield by promises of countless favours 
to come, and when these proved unavailing, by threats 
of punishment. Thus sorely pressed, and seeing that 
their answers and their resistance were unheeded, one 
of them cried: ic Sire, we implore you, for the love of 
Alazaraht learn (i.e. the Lord Jesus), 7 do not compel 
us to be circumcised 1" To this the King, who before 
his accession was greatly devoted to our Lord, and wore 
on his breaSt a richly enamelled crucifix, replied : " It 
is for love of Him that I do so." " But that will never 
please Him," said the child. Then the cruel King, 
to put an end to further words, ordered them to be 
held hand and foot, and despite their protestations 
and cries, had them circumcised then and there, in 



his presence. " Now, 1 ' he said, " you are Moors. 
Repeat the CaKma\" The Struggle recommenced 
with even greater fierceness on the King's part, for 
the sight of the innocent blood seemed to make him 
all the more determined to carry out his purpose, and 
satisfy those who were instigating him. The more 
the children resisted, the more determined he became. 
At laSt the whips were brought, and the two lads were 
beaten without mercy. Many of those present were 
moved to compassion to see them, Still bleeding from 
the circumcision, suffer these cruel Stripes, which, 
because of the presence and rage of the King, exceeded 
in severity those ordinarily inflifted on criminals. 
The elder, who was fourteen years of age, yielded 
after the fourteenth Stripe and said what was required 
of him, though by no means in the manner the Moors 
desired. The younger, who had not yet completed 
his eleventh year, continued to hold out even when 
he saw his brother give way. He was therefore 
beaten with increased severity. At each Stroke of 
the whip he cried out, "Ah, Hazaraht leao, Sefior 
lesu !" for he had this holy name always on his lips, 
and his hands clasped the reliquary he wore about 
his neck. All were filled with astonishment at his 
constancy, and even the King showed signs of com- 
passion and became silent. One of the courtiers, 
however, continued to urge on those who were beating 
him, crying, " Smite him! Smite him!" so that they 
gave him thirty Stripes severe enough to overcome the 
Strongest man. The cruelty of this laSt onslaught 
deprived the poor child of Strength and spirit, and to 



escape further torture he repeated the words of the 
Calima, after which he was given three or four more 
Stripes for not having yielded sooner. Perchance if 
he could have held out a little longer, he would not 
have had to suffer worse. But it was much that so 
young a child had endured so long, with no one near 
to encourage him, but only ravening wolves who 
thirSted for the blood and soul of this innocent lamb, 
and the maddened King. Had the wrath of the latter 
been directed againSt those who instigated him, it 
would have needed many fewer Stripes to make them 
abandon the law of Mafamede and accept that of 
Christ which they hold in such abhorrence, so greatly 
do they Stand in awe of and fear their King. 

Content with his fictitious victory, the King ordered 
the children to be taken to their quarters and carefully 
tended. The same evening the Fathers, ignorant of 
what had taken place, went to see them. They found 
them lying on the ground silent and miserable. As 
soon as the Fathers entered the younger cried out: 
" Padrigi, I am a Christian ! I am a Christian ! Let 
them cut me how they like, it makes no difference. 
It was all againSt our will. If they had not beaten 
us, do you think we would have given way ? We have 
borne these blows willingly;" and they showed oh their 
bodies the marks of the whip, which were pitiful to 
behold. The Fathers could not find it in their hearts 
to admonish them for their fall, but comforted them 
and praised them for the constancy they had shown, 
that they might not think of themselves as vanquished 
or as Moors. And indeed, from that time, the children 



openly declared that they were Chriftians as they had 
always been, and that what they had done was by 
compulsion and because of the torture that had been 
inflifted on them. The King sent a Mulla to dress 
their wounds and teach them their prayers. But they 
said whatever they liked of Mafamede before him. 
After their recovery they were taken to the King, who 
gave them each a dress and permission to leave their 
lodging; but he forbade them to see or converse with 
the Fathers. The children paid little heed to this 
order, and went about publicly proclaiming themselves 
Christians, and saying so many things againft the 
Moors and their law that they had more need of the 
rein than the spur. The elder lad, who had shown 
himself the weaker of the two, of his own accord took 
a dagger and cut the figure of a cross, the length of 
a span, on his left arm. He muft have endured much 
pain, for the flesh was permanently marked. The top 
of the figure was at the wrift, so that each time he 
raises his arm the cross was uplifted. Thus day by 
day were these lads filled with new zeal. For the reft, 
the King treated them in private as he had formerly 
done; whilft the Moors continued to wonder at their 
constancy, admitting that all the force they had used 
had been wafted, for the lads' hearts had never been 
conquered. When the father of the children heard 
these things, he refused food for three days, and sent 
one of his personal attendants to find out the meaning 
of all that had happened. The Fathers wrote to him 
bidding him beware of a continuance of the attack on 
himself which the King had commenced before he set 



out from Agra, The Armenian bravely replied that 
he was ready to behave in such a manner as would 
cause the Moors to respeft the Christian faith. But 
the King, as if nothing unusual had taken place, 
resumed his former friendly attitude towards the 
Armenian and his children and the other Chriftians, 
and even dispatched some business on behalf of the 
Fathers with every sign of good will. But he never 
gave them an opportunity of speaking about the 
Armenian children. 



TOUCHING the fruits of this Mission, the number of 
new Christians made was small. This was partly 
because few persons asked to be baptised, and partly 
because the Fathers could place so little reliance on 
the people of this Moor-ridden land that to convert 
them was like building with worm-eaten timber. 

In Agra about twenty persons were baptised. 
These included the family of a highly respefted 
Armenian, who had lived many years among the 
Moors, far from all Christian intercourse. [When 
a Father happened to pass through his neighbourhood, 
the Armenian, though he went to see him with his 
present, entreated him not to visit him; and he told 
other Armenians that if the Father came there, he 
would pretend not to know him.] 1 This was ap- 
parently on account of his relatives and neighbours, 
amongft whom he did not wish to be known as a 
friend of the Chrilians. Some years later, by the 
help of God, the Fathers prevailed on him to bring 
his family to Agra, where they could live amongft 
Christian people. He came with his wife and sons 
and daughters, who, together with mo& of his house- 
hold, were baptised. He himself made confession 
and was married to his wife according to the rites of 
the Church, after living eighteen years as a Moor; 
so that we may count him amongft the converts as 



well as his wife and children. One of the latter, a 
little innocent girl, was called to our Lord soon after 
receiving baptism. Another case was that of a man 
who had for many years lived a Christian life, con- 
fessing and receiving communion with the Christians, 
but who, the Fathers discovered, had never been 
baptised. The rite was administered to him in secret, 
to his great consolation. 

In the city of Lahor an aged Moor, a native of 
Ba?ora, became a Christian. He had been a man of 
importance in his own country; but after the Turks 
took Bafora he wandered from place to place seeking 
a livelihood. He went to Veneza and other Christian 
places, and at length found his way to Lahor, and 
meeting with the Fathers, begged them to make him 
a Christian. He importuned them much on account 
of his age; but the Fathers would not baptise him at 
once, and he left them, full of hope, to go to the lands 
which the late King had given him. It was not long 
before he returned, insisting more than ever that he 
should be baptised, for he was too old to wait longer. 
So the Fathers acceded to his requeSt, though few 
were aware of his conversion, as he did not wish this 
to be made public. But he made another old man, 
who was his companion, promise that on his death he 
would not permit the Moors to touch his body, but 
that only the Fathers and the Christians should prepare 
it for the grave, and bury it with Christian rites. He 
would have done better had he publicly acknowledged 
his conversion. But so evil-minded are the Moors 
that he would have been unable to live with those of 


his house, had they known that he was a Chriftian. 
It is the fear of similar ill-usages that deters many 
from embracing our faith. 

There lived near the Fathers a Brahman Gentile 
whose son, as has already been told, 2 had endured 
much through becoming a Christian. Now it hap- 
pened that a daughter of the same Brahman fell sick, 
and her siller, seeing that she was near to die, began 
to mourn for her. The Father heard her cries, and 
not knowing what the matter might be, sent for her 
brother who was a Christian and told him to go to 
her. On learning the cause of his sifter's lamenta- 
tions, he persuaded his mother to allow the sick 
child to be made a Christian. She was accordingly 
brought to the church, and the Father baptised 
her. She died as she was being taken away, and 
her soul entered the abode of eternal bliss, of 
which her sifter was the occasion, and her brother 
the inftrument. 

Many received help in their temporal as well as 
their spiritual necessities. Thus, five or six ftrangers 
who had come from Chriftian countries, and had been 
seized and held as captives by the Moors, were suc- 
coured by the Fathers, who obtained their liberation 
and sent them back to their homes. On another 
occasion, a young lad, who was in the service of a 
respe&able Italian, ran away from his mafter in Sind, 
and became a Moor. Having come to Agra, where he 
failed to find the assiftance he had hoped for, he was 
reduced to beggary. The Fathers came to know of 
him and gave him shelter in their house, where he 



remained quietly until an opportunity came for sending 
him on his way. 

A certain Moor, a captain of high rank, had in his 
service two Cafres 3 who had come from a Chriftian 
land. He treated them well; but in spite of his 
indulgence they were not content to live amongft 
Moors. To induce them to settle with him, the Moor 
arranged marriages for them ; but the day before these 
were to take place they made their escape and took 
refuge with the Fathers, who sent them from Agra 
to Labor, from whence they travelled to Sind, and 
finally to Goa. On their way to Lahor they were 
recognised by some of the Moor's people; but they 
managed to defend themselves and put to flight those 
sent to apprehend them. At Lahor they lived like 
good Christians in the house of the Fathers ; but they 
were again recognised by someone belonging to the 
Moor; so the Fathers concealed them in the house 
of a certain Portuguese Christian, until the time 
should arrive for them to depart. There was in the 
same house a certain man, a native of Goa, who, 
thinking he saw an opportunity of gaining the favour 
of the King, went to one of his Captains and told him 
about the two Cafres, saying that they were very clever 
fellows, and that one of them could play the organ 
and sing Portuguese music; and he offered to deliver 
them into his hands, which he adhially did, luring 
them from the house by saying that the Fathers had 
called them. He led them, all unsuspefting, to a 
spot where a number of persons, some on foot and some 
on horseback, awaited them. By these they were 



taken under Strong guard to the Captain, who in turn 
took them to the King. His MajeSty at once took 
them into his service on very good terms. Nothing 
was said about their becoming Moors, so they remained 
in the Church, and lived with the Fathers. But the 
affair did not end here; for the Portuguese, in whose 
house the youths had been lodged, determined to 
punish him who had tricked them; and this they did, 
taking into account another of his misdeeds, which 
alone merited the good blows which they gave him, 
having tied him up securely to render his chastisement 
the more effective. One of his servants escaped 
through a window crying out that they were killing his 
maSter. His cries reached the ears of the Merinho 
Mor, who sent some of his men to the house, where 
they found the man Still tied up. As soon as they 
had liberated him he vociferated loudly that his 
assailants meant to kill him and bury him secretly. 
He made them take the two who had beaten him into 
custody, and told them that it was the Fathers who had 
incited them to attack him. The Fathers were with 
the King on other business when the two men and their 
accuser were brought to the palace. The latter, on 
coming before the King, tore open his clothes from 
his belt upwards to show the marks of the blows he 
had received, while he poured forth with many tears 
a long tale of his wrongs, and ended by saying that 
the whole affair had b^en a plot of the Fathers, who 
had come to the house at midnight disguised in turban 
and cabaya, and that they had afted against him thus 
because of the two Cafres he had taken away and 



delivered to His Majefty. The King signed to the 
Fathers to speak. " Sire," they said, " ask these men 
if we have ever, up to this day, been to their house." 
But the other ceased to press his charge againft the 
Fathers, seeing that the King paid little heed to what 
he said againft them, and turning his attention to the 
two unfortunate captives, he said, to obtain the sentence 
he desired, " Sire, do juftice to me in this matter, and 
I will become a Moor." On this, the King said, " I 
deliver them to you. You may do what you will with 
them, and I will make you a Captain." It would take 
long to describe the injuries and insults which the two 
Portuguese had to suffer in the Greets at the hands of 
this mad fellow. 

When the King retired, the Fathers were admitted 
to his presence. He laughingly asked them what it 
was the Feringhes were quarrelling about, and they 
told him all the circumstances. He expressed great 
surprise and said, " I did not underhand the matter. 
Enquire into it well, and bring the man to me, and 
you shall see what I will do with him. Nevertheless 
they did wrong to beat him. They should have 
brought him to you for punishment, or to me. It 
was for this reason I handed them over to him, so 
that he in his turn might beat them." For such is 
the juftice of this King and this land. The Fathers 
said that the two men had already been well punished, 
and begged the King to order their release, which, 
after some further enquiries, he did. They also 
requeued that if this man brought any charges againft 
them, he should be made to prove the truth of his 



words; and they added that, if proof were forthcoming, 
they would submit to whatever His MajeSty should 
order. "Oh, you are in a different class," was the 
King's reply. " There is no need even to speak of it." 
Such is this King's opinion of the Fathers. As to 
that unholy man, the devil seemed to be in him; for 
in his determination to discredit and defame the 
Fathers, he circulated a thousand false Stories about 
them; but these served only to enhance the good 
reputation of those againSt whom they were direfted ; 
for no one believed his words, and he became an 
objeft of general contempt, even the Moors declaring 
they would not have such a man in their seft. He 
heard nothing more of the promotion which had been 
promised him by the King, 

The next day the King sent for the Fathers, and 
received them in an inner apartment to which very 
few are admitted. He enquired how many Christians 
there were, and whether there was much distress 
amongst them, and said that he would be very glad 
to contribute something towards the assistance of those 
who were in need. He also asked about the church, 
saying that he would like to come and see it, and that 
the Fathers muSt let him know when there was to be 
a festival; and when they told him that the church 
needed white-washing, and more pi&ures for its 
adornment, he promised to provide funds for both 
these purposes. Before taking leave of him, they 
showed him a version of the Gospels in Arabic in 
which he showed great interest, saying, however, that 
he would like Still more to see a Persian translation 



of the same. The Fathers said that they had a 
copy of the Gospels in Persian, and that they 
would bring it to him. At this the King expressed 
much pleasure, so they revised the translation and 
presented it to him. This took place in the month 
of September, 1606. 



THE King set out for Cabul, 2 taking with him his son, 
whom he Still kept as a prisoner, though with less 
Striftness than at firSt. When the Fathers went to 
take leave of him, he begged them to commend him 
to God. They presented him with a copy of the Holy 
Gospels in Persian, which he accepted very graciously. 
He would allow no one to hold it for him, but kept 
it in his hand until he withdrew. The Fathers passed 
their days as peacefully as though they lived in some 
secluded college, devoting themselves to their spiritual 
Studies and the performance of their religious exer- 
cises, and celebrating with the other Christians the 
times and feaSts of the Church. 

This year, their commemoration of our Lord's 
Passion included, for the firSt time, a public procession 
of disciplinants, which took place on Maundy Thurs- 
day. One of the Christians, who had no suitable 
veStment, fashioned himself one out of his own gar- 
ments, and joined the procession. Another, who had 
never been in a Christian country, nor was it known 
who had taught him, came forth with his arms bound 
to a large beam, as though it were a cross. The 
procession was headed by a crucifix, after which came 
a band of children singing litanies. The Streets were 
crowded with Gentiles who gazed in astonishment on 
this new spectacle. They shuddered at the sight of 


the blood so willingly spilled, and, eager to see what 
the end would be, they continued to follow the pro- 
cession while it made its circuit of the city and returned 
to the church. The Fathers and the Christians, 
greatly comforted by this aft of penance, determined 
to repeat it with increased devotion year by year, in 
despite of the devil who could ill endure to see such 
a spectacle in a land which he looked upon as his own, 
and where he was so Strongly entrenched. On the 
evening of Easier Day, the Fathers illuminated the 
roof of their church, where there is a terrace, with 
lamps and candles, and let off many kinds of fireworks, 
which they make very well in this country, and of 
great brilliancy. In the early morning there was 
another grand procession, headed by a cross adorned 
with roses and other flowers, and accompanied by 
musicians with hautboys, which they had learnt to 
play in Goa, having been sent there for that purpose ; 
and as these instruments had never been heard or 
seen in the country before they attracted many people 
and caused much astonishment. The Christians fol- 
lowed the musicians, clad in feStal garments and hold- 
ing candles in their hands. The Fathers accompanied 
them wearing their surplices and singing their beSt as 
they marched along. One of them carried a very 
beautiful pidture of the infant Jesus, which had come 
from Portugal. These novel scenes were watched by 
countless crowds of people, through which the small 
band of Christians moved as serenely and devoutly as 
though they were commemorating the triumph of 
ChriSt in the land of the moSt catholic of kings, inStead 

33 c 


of being surrounded by Moors and Gentiles, who 
would have rejoiced at their destruction. 

These feaSls were followed by that of Corpus 
ChriSti, on which occasion one of the Fathers carried 
through the Greets the holy Sacrament enclosed in 
a glazed tabernacle under a canopy. A band of 
Christians surrounded him bearing torches and candles, 
while others followed, some playing on pipes and 
some singing, as they went in procession to the church. 
At one spot where the prieSt Slopped, a little child, 
neatly clad, approached and kneeling down worshipped 
the holy Sacrament, declaring in a voice that all could 
hear his faith in the real presence of ChriSt the Saviour 
and Redeemer of the world; then Standing up he 
recited a Story about the Sacrament which took the 
place of a sermon, and gave great joy to the Christians. 8 

As to the two lads who had been forcibly circum- 
cised, the King, seeing them one day at play with 
other children, called them to him and asked them 
whether they wished to be Moors, or to follow the 
law of their father. They answered that they would 
remain Christians; upon which the King, turning to 
his courtiers, said : " It is a bad thing not to follow 
the law of one's father. These lads through fear said 
that they were Moors ; but they were really Christians." 
Then turning to the children he said : " Continue to 
follow your own law!" The lads made their salaams 
to the King, and ran eagerly to tell the Fathers, shouting 
as they went that they were Christians. Those who 
had been foremoSt in inciting the King againSt them 
did not escape punishment. One of them soon after- 



wards incurred His Majesty's displeasure and was 
deprived of all his revenues ; and though a few months 
later he was restored to favour, he lived in a State of 
perpetual fear. Another, who was the greatest noble 
in the kingdom, and was for that reason called the 
King's brother, fell into a lingering illness and became 
paralysed in both legs. After a short time, the disease 
mounted to his head, and his memory became so bad 
that he forgot his own words, and repeated whatever 
he said again and again, as though he had never said 
it. On this account, the King's affection for him 
cooled, and at laSt he took from him the royal seal, 
together with his estates, revenues, and dignities, 
which he conferred on another, leaving him only a 
few lands for his maintenance, and he is now recover- 
ing with expectations very different from those which 
he once entertained. 4 

When the King was in Lahor, one of his courtiers 
told him that the King, his father, had given orders 
that a portion of the pension which he had granted 
to the Fathers who lived at Lahor should be withdrawn. 
His MajeSty at once replied that the Fathers were to 
continue to receive the whole amount, which was fifty 
rupees a month. On another 'occasion, the Fathers 
reminded him of the alms he had promised for the 
Christians, whereon he ordered them to be given each 
month another fifty rupees, and, in addition, thirty 
rupees for the church. This enabled the Fathers to 
give assistance to many poor Christians. 

The King at this time began to show himself much 
less of a Moor than at firSt. He declared it was his 



intention to follow in his father's foot&eps; and his 
a&ions confirmed his words. God grant that his end 
may be better. He allowed the two young Cafres, 
who, as already mentioned, had been delivered to 
him, to remain with the Fathers and the Church, and 
also four pipers who had been sent from Goa. The 
latter had likewise been delivered over to him, the 
Venetian who was conducing them from Goa having 
died on the journey. Nevertheless, though he desired 
to keep them in his service, he contented himself with 
making them play before him; and even when some 
of his courtiers told him that these negroes had 
belonged to the late King, who had sent them to the 
Fathers for in&ruftion, he did not compel them to 
ftay with him, but only asked them if they were willing 
to do so, at the same time offering them good pay. 
When he saw that they preferred to go to the Fathers, 
and that they showed great constancy to their faith, 
answering well the questions he put to them, he ordered 
them to be handed over to the Fathers, who decided 
that, on His Majesty's return from his journey [to 
Cabul], they would present them to him for his service, 
so that they might earn their livelihoods, and at the 
same time serve the Church. 

His Majefty continued to show himself worthy of 
the name, " The Juft King," 6 which he had taken at 
the commencement of his reign ; so that there were no 
aggrieved parties throughout his dominions; and woe 
to that Governor or Captain who was found to have 
taken tolls or other things from the merchants who 
passed through the lands in his charge. At Lahor, 



one of the King's officers was Rationed on the far side 
of the river, in order that he might conduft any 
merchants coming from Caxemir or Cabul to the royal 
palace, so that His Majesty might purchase from him 
whatever he wished, and enquire what things he 
desired to take from his country. When, on one 
occasion, this officer was found to have exafted some 
trifling toll, the King gave orders that his head was to 
be shaved, and that he was to be dragged, thus dis- 
graced, through the Greets of the city. The poor 
fellow has never shown his face since. 

On another occasion it was found that the Governor 
of Ahmadabad, the royal city of Cambaya, who was 
a great Captain with an income of five hundred 
thousand rupees a month, 6 which is equal to two 
hundred thousand crusades, had, with his two sons, 
been guilty of many afts of tyranny. They were 
therefore, summoned to appear before the King at 
Lahor. The two sons arrived firft, their father, they 
said, having been delayed by sickness. So, for a 
time, the King dissembled; but, as soon as the father 
appeared, he placed them all under arreft. He had 
the sons frequently beaten, sometimes in his own 
presence; and he kept the father in confinement until 
he had paid two hundred thousand rupees which he 
owed to the Crown, and had compensated all those 
whom it was proved that he had despoiled. Having 
thus punished him, he appointed him Governor of 
Lahor; where he lives in much reduced circumstances. 
The sons he continued to keep as prisoners. 

To show that in the things of the law he was fol- 



lowing in his father's footSteps, he issued, as the latter 
had done, a decree forbidding the eating of flesh on 
certain fixed days. During one of these periods of 
prohibition, he and his two sons, disguised as poor 
men, went by night into the city, where they saw in 
a certain quarter that meat was being sold. Knowing 
that this could only be with the connivance of the 
Merinho Mor, the King, early the next morning, sent 
for that officer and, after seeing him soundly flogged, 
caused him to be led with much dishonour through 
the Greets of the city riding on an ass, A day or 
two later he again sent for him, and presented him 
with a horse and a dress as a sign of his restoration 
to favour, and reinstated him in his office. 

He similarly pardoned and restored to favour the 
great Agiscoa [Aziz Khan Koka], the foSter-brother 
of King Achebar, and a member of a very distin- 
guished family. This noble had a very great revenue 
amounting to at leaSt a million rupees, and his daughter 
was wedded to the eldeSt son of the King, who used 
to call him his uncle. It happened that one of His 
Majesty's Captains, whilSt serving in the Deccan, 
found a letter which had been written by Agiscoa 
during the reign of the late King, 7 in which he reviled 
that monarch for forsaking the law of the Moors, 
which they call the law of salvation, and becoming 
a heretic. The Captain put this letter into the hands 
of the King, who one night asked his uncle if he had 
written it. On his confessing that the letter was his, 
the King flew into a violent rage, heaping a thousand 
curses on him and calling him a thousand bad names, 



while his courtiers, following his example, reviled him 
in like fashion; so that he, before whom all had been 
wont to tremble, was Stunned by the indignities he 
was made to suffer. He was placed under a guard 
and brought twice each day to the palace, that he 
might hear the reproaches which the great lords, in 
their desire to please the King, heaped upon him. 
And this he felt the more, because, as is the way with 
those who have been accustomed to, or rather enslaved 
by worldly honours, he had never in his life dreamt 
that such misfortune could befall him. He now began 
to distribute huge sums in alms amongSt the poor of 
his faith; indeed, it is generally believed that at this 
time he gave away more than a hundred thousand 
crusados. On account of these good works, God 
succoured him and caused the King to look on him 
with kindness. After some marks of indulgence, His 
MajeSty reStored to favour him whom he had so 
bitterly mortified, and they commenced to live on 
good terms as before. This Story reminds us that 
even those who cross the waters of life on the higheSt 
bridges do not always remain dryshod. 

And now, leaving the King, let us speak of the 
slender harveSt which the Fathers gathered on the land 
of their sowing. A Hungarian Christian, more than 
a hundred years old, who in his youth had been made 
captive by the Moors amongSt whom he had lived in 
various places with his sons and grandsons, seeing 
that his end was approaching, had all his household 
baptised, except one son who had not yet made up 
his mind to become a Christian. After receiving the 



sacraments, this good old man passed away with the 
Fathers at his bedside. At his burial there was a 
very imposing service in the church, which was a 
great consolation to the Chriftians, all of whom 
attended with candles in their hands. The service 
was also witnessed by many Moors and Gentiles, 
who were much impressed by the solemnity of the 
Chriftian rites, which, they confessed, far surpassed 
their own. 

A certain Chriftian lady, belonging to a Moorish 
family of high rank, fell sick during the absence of 
her husband, and fearing she was about to die, sent 
for the Fathers. When they came to her, she showed 
them the shroud which she had made for herself before 
she fell sick, and the cloth which was to be placed on 
her bier, and which was afterwards to be given to the 
poor, together with whatever else she should leave 
them for that purpose. She then showed them the 
beft of her clothes and ornaments, which she had set 
aside for her daughter; and having sent for the child, 
and also for her little sons, all of whom she had care- 
fully inftrufted in the Chri&ian faith, she said to the 
Fathers, " Look upon them not as mine, but as yours ! 
I leave them in your hands, to do with them what you 
will. I do not entruft them to my brothers or sifters 
or other relations, because all of them are Moors. I 
know only the Fathers; and to them I entruft my 
soul, my children, and all that I possess." After the 
children had been dismissed, she made confession, and 
said that it was her intention to go to the church the 
next day to communicate. When the palanquin in 



which she was carried to the church was opened, she 
was discovered speechless and unconscious, with her 
lips closed. Seeing her in such a condition, the 
Fathers were preparing to administer extreme unftion 
when, by God's will, she came to herself. As soon 
as the service began, she insisted on being taken from 
the palanquin; and when those who Stood around 
hesitated to move her, she attempted to raise herself; 
so they lifted her out of the palanquin and placed her 
on the ground with a pillow to support her head. At 
the time of the elevation of the Lord, she threw aside 
the pillow; and when they brought the Lord for her 
to communicate she received it with the same faith 
and reverence as the other communicants. From that 
moment she began to regain Strength. As she left 
the church she said : " I thank God for the grace He 
has beStowed on me, and the Fathers for their trouble." 
And she returned to her house and was cured. 

Sickness also overtook the infant son of a certain 
Christian, who, finding his remedies unavailing, 
brought the child, whom he dearly loved, to the 
church. One of the Fathers, who had in his posses- 
sion a relic of the blessed widow Margarilla de Chaves, 
placed this in a little water which he gave to the child 
to drink, at the same time commending him to the 
Saint. In a few moments the little sufferer showed 
signs of recovery, his fever abated, and the happy 
father, giving thanks to God, took him back to his 

AmongSt those who were baptised during this year 
was the son of a certain Moor of high position. This 



young man also fell ill, and when it became evident 
that he was dying, a Christian, who was a friend of 
his father, came to see him, under the pretext of giving 
him some remedy, which, indeed, he did, but it was 
the remedy which beftows eternal life, for, having 
taken with him a little holy water, he Straightway, and 
without the father being aware of what he did, baptised 
the young man, who, two or three days later, died and 
went to heaven, where he joined his two brothers, who 
some years previously had been baptised under similar 
circumstances by the same Christian. About this 
time, some other children, who had been sold by their 
parents for trifling sums, were also baptised. One of 
these coSl but a quarter of a larin? which is equivalent 
to a toSlao. 

The Fathers often went on Fridays to the mosques 
of the Moors, where they discoursed to the Moorish 
doftors on the teaching and life of Chrift our Lord. 
The Moors heard them attentively until they began to 
confute the law of Mafamede, when they loft all 
patience, refusing either to liften, or to be drawn into 
a disputation. 



THE Mission to Mogor was ftill in the hands of the 
four Fathers of our Company who had gone there 
some years previously, 2 and who continued to labour 
and to bear their life of exile with patience and hope: 
with patience, because the fruit of their labours was 
as yet small in comparison with their desires, so 
dense is this Moorish foreft that it seems impossible 
to penetrate, or even to enter it: and with hope, 
because of the good-will of the King; for they felt 
that, with the benevolent proteftion of so powerful a 
monarch, they need not despair of a rich harvest in 
the future. 

The King remained for some months in Cabul. 
The Fathers did not accompany him on this expedition, 
but remained all four of them at Lahor, where during 
his absence they enjoyed much spiritual peace, per- 
forming the services of the Church and miniftering 
to the Chriftians with as much security as if they had 
been in some catholic city of Europe. On the King's 
return, 3 they went forth two leagues from the city to 
welcome him. His Majefty received them with 
marked kindness, flopping his horse for some moments, 
as did also his sons and all the others. He greeted 
them after his usual manner by placing his hands on 
their shoulders, and enquired very kindly after their 
welfare. The Fathers presented him with a book 



which they had composed, containing the lives of the 
Apostles in Persian, with numerous pictures of their 
labours \regiSlros de seus passos], 4 a gift which he 
greatly appreciated. 

After his arrival at Labor, the King decided to send 
an ambassador to the Viceroy of India, and selefted 
as his representative an officer of very high authority. 
He also summoned the Fathers, and having told 
them of his decision, said that he would be very glad 
if one of their number, to be selefted by themselves, 
could accompany his ambassador. The Fathers could 
not refuse to comply with this requeft. Moreover, 
it was to the advantage of the Mission that one of its 
members should proceed to Goa; 5 so they made 
arrangements accordingly, their choice falling on 
Father Manoel Pinheiro. 6 They set forth without 
delay, and were already in India, but had not arrived 
at Goa. 

The embassy had for its objeft nothing more than 
the maintenance of friendly relations with the State, 
while the ambassador was in&rufted to bring back 
with him any rare and curious objefts he could procure 
in India from the Portuguese. 7 The King entrusted 
Father Pinheiro with numerous presents to be given 
in his name to the Fathers in India; and he also pro- 
yided the Fathers at Lahor with gifts to send to their 
friends at Goa. 

It was ju before Chriftmas that the embassy left 
Lahor. 8 The Fathers who remained behind cele- 
brated the fe&ival with all the devotion possible. 
They decorated their church so splendidly that even 



the Moors could not help saying how different it was 
from their own mosques. On the altar there was a 
small manger so beautifully made that it attracted large 
numbers of people to the church. The King did not 
come to see it himself, but he sent some choice candles 
of white wax to be burnt before it, and some of his 
own beautiful pictures to add to its adornment. This 
was highly appreciated by the Chriftians, though it 
gave offence to many of the Moors. All the Christians 
made confession at this festival, and attended the 
midnight mass [missa do Galld]f which was celebrated 
with singing and the playing of flutes and shawms 
[charamelas]. Before the service commenced, amidst 
the din of tambourines and drums [com grande eSlrondo 
de atambores &? atabales]^ there was a display of 
fireworks in the ' compound ' of the church, which 
was seen from a long distance. These things could 
not have been done more openly in a Christian country ; 
and that they took place in an infidel city in the heart 
of this Moorish land, muft be accounted a thing 
greatly to the glory of our Lord, and the exaltation 
of our holy faith. 

Amongft the many respectable Moors who came 
to see the fireworks was one who refused to go away 
until he had attended the service of matins, which 
on this occasion was choral, one verse being sung, and 
the next accompanied by the music of flutes. After 
he had been present throughout the service, and the 
sermon which followed it, he was politely asked to 
withdraw, as mass was about to be celebrated. He 
very courteously complied, but a moment or two later 



returned, and, without the Fathers knowing it, was 
present throughout the celebration. He was so much 
impressed by what he saw that he went to the Fathers 
and said that he was at heart a Christian, and that they 
muft therefore permit him to attend their prayers and 
divine services. Since then, though he has not yet 
been baptised, he has displayed great affeftion and 
respeft for the Chriftians. 

After Chriftmas, the King announced his intention 
of going to Agra, which is the second royal seat of 
his empire, and he informed the Fathers that it was 
his desire that one of them should remain in Lahor, 
and that the other two should accompany him on 
his journey, and he gave orders that they were to be 
supplied with a horse and four camels to carry their 
effefts. The King set out firft, 12 accompanied, ac- 
cording to cuftom, by his army. On his way he 
devoted himself to hawking, and hunting with cheetas 
and other animals, as well as shooting with bow and 
arrow. His progress was consequently very slow, so 
that the Fathers, who set out some time later, overtook 
him in a few days. On one occasion, to make a 
fea& for them, he sent to their tent on an elephant 
two large boars which he had killed himself. As it 
was Shrove-tide, this gift was very welcome to them 
and those with them. Eight or ten days later, he 
called them to his tent where they found him sur- 
rounded by his Captains. He showed them fifteen 
boars and a number of deer which he had slain that 
day, and told them that they might take as much 
meat as they pleased. They thanked him for his 


kindness, and told him that what he had sent them 
before had come at a very opportune time; but now 
they could not make themselves a feaft as they had 
entered upon the season of Lent, during which 
Chriftians do not eat flesh. He then asked many 
questions about Lent, and the manner of failing 
amongSl Christians, showing great interest in all that 
they told him about these things. During the re- 
mainder of their journey the Fathers observed the 
season of penitence in a very real manner; for as they 
could not eat flesh, their fare consisted solely of lentils 
and rice, which they were obliged to take at night 
after reaching their encampment, for the whole day 
was spent in travelling, so that they had no opportunity 
to prepare their scanty meal. But more than all, they 
suffered from lack of water; for the King's army 
fouled every pool, tank, or Stream to which they came, 
so that throughout their journey they only drank 
when necessity or sheer thirSl compelled them. It 
was only by God's mercy that they obtained even such 
water as this. Nevertheless, in spite of these diffi- 
culties, they reached Agra safely, a month and a half 
after their departure from Labor. 

After the King had captured the Prince, his son, 
as we have narrated in a previous chapter, he took him 
on all his journeys as a prisoner, with chains on his 
feet, and carried in a cage on the back of an elephant. 
It was thus that he now took him from Lahor to Agra; 
and on reaching the spot where the battle between 
them had taken place, to punish his son for his dis- 
obedience, he caused him to be blinded by the appli- 



cation to his eyes of the juice of certain herbs, which 
had the appearance of milk. 18 He did the same to 
a great Captain who had formerly been his close 
favourite, but who had joined in a conspiracy against 
his life. This Captain, whom he took about with him 
heavily manacled, and riding on a meanly harnessed 
mule or ass, he caused to be blinded on the same 
spot, and in the same manner as the Prince. 

On arriving at Agra, the Fathers installed them- 
selves in the house and church which they had there, 
which was the same church that the King, when Prince, 
had ordered them to build, 14 and occupied themselves 
in ministering to the small Christian community 
which had grown up in that place. But of more 
importance were the discussions which here took 
place before the King, and of these an account will be 
given in the following chapters. 



THE Fathers had long been anxious for an opportunity 
of disputing with the Moors before the King, that they 
might demonstrate the truth of our faith, and the 
falseness of the law of Mafamede. This opportunity 
they found soon after the King had settled down at 
Agra, and it extended over more than a month, during 
which many notable disputes took place. In these the 
Moors were completely defeated by the Fathers; 
and though they were not converted, for their obstinacy 
and perversity would not allow them to admit the truth 
of our faith, nevertheless the same was made manifest, 
to the great glory of ChriSt our Lord. 

The occasion arose out of the pleasure which the 
King took in looking at the coloured pictures of sacred 
subjects which the Fathers, knowing his interest in 
these things, had presented to him. It happened one 
evening that he called for a number of these, and 
finding he did not understand them, sent for the 
Fathers that they might explain them to him. It 
happened that the firt picture which he showed them 
was one of David on his knees before the prophet 
Nathan, who had jut uttered the words, Dominus 
tranStulit peccatum tuum a te. The Father had scarcely 
begun his explanation of the pifture when a Moorish 
Captain who was present interrupted him, and began to 

49 o 


relate the version of the ory which is found in the 
Alkoran. Seeing that this contained many untruths, 
the Father begged the King to allow him to repeat 
the ory as it is written in the holy Scriptures, which, 
on receiving His Maje&y's permission, he proceeded 
to do. The Moors liftened to him until he began to 
speak of David's adultery with Bathsheba, when they 
cried out, " It is a lie ! It is a lie 1 The prophets 
never sinned, and could not sin." " What !" said 
the Father. " Do you not admit that David wept ?" 
44 Yes I" they replied. " But it was not because he 
had been guilty of adultery, but of homicide." " Then," 
s^id the Father, " if you admit that he was guilty of 
homicide, it is manifest that he sinned, which is 
contrary to what you have ju said, that the prophets 
did not, and could not sin. You cannot deny that he 
who commits one kind of sin may commit another. 
Moreover, David, you say, had the desire to sin, 
which means that in the eyes of God he did sin; for 
the desires of the heart are as manifest to Him as the 
works of the hand are to us. Again, if the angels, 
whose natures are perfeft, and who are endowed with 
so many natural and supernatural gifts, are not without 
sin, how much less were the prophets without sin, 
who were but men. And more than all, how can 
you deny of David what he so many times confessed 
of himself in his psalms, never ceasing to lament the 
sins he had committed against God ?" The Moors 
were put to complete confusion by the Father's words, 
and were unable to make any reply. 

Amongft those in attendance on the King was a 



very grave and learned man whose duty was to read 
to His Majefty before he retired to reft at night, or 
when he took his ease during the day-time; an office 
very similar to that of the person referred to in the 
Book of E&her, whose business it was to read aloud 
to King Ahasuerus the chronicles of his kingdom. 
The old King, the father of him who is now reigning, 
had held this man (who had served him in the same 
capacity) in great efteem, partly on account of his 
learning, and partly because he was of the lineage of 
the Prophet. He was also well versed in all branches 
of hiftory, 1 When the Father had concluded his 
arguments, the Reader, who was present on the 
occasion, said, " Sire, the versions of the Gospels, the 
Psalms, and the Books of Moses which the Chriftians 
possess are all corrupt." " That is not so, Sire," said 
the Father, "for the Christians would give up their 
lives a hundred thousand times rather than allow a 
single word of their holy Scriptures to be altered." 
Another Moor then said, " I can well believe, Father, 
that such a thing has never been done by you, or your 
predecessors, or by the people; but your Kings do it." 
Again the Father said, " That is not true I Our 
Kings," he added, "do not interfere either with our 
law or our Scriptures, which they respeft and obey like 
all others." 

The King spoke next, asking the Fathers to en- 
lighten him on various points. Though it cannot 
be said that he spoke with kingly gravity, his questions 
deserve to be recorded, seeing that they were asked 
by so great a monarch, and were evidently meant to 


put our faith in a favourable light. Moreover, they 
serve to show his genuine interest in religious matters, 
and also the good which resulted from these disputes. 

44 What do the ChriSlians say of Mafamede ?" was 
his fir& question, 

44 They say," was the reply, " that he was a man who 
took upon himself the role of a prophet. 1 ' 

44 Then he was not a prophet ?" 

41 That is true, Sire." 

44 In other words, he was a false prophet ?" 

"Yes, Sire." 

At this the King laughed. 

44 Tell me," he said once again, 44 was Mafamede 
a false prophet ?" 

44 Yes, Sire," said the Father, 4t he was a false 

Now all this the King did to bring ridicule on 
Mafamede, and on his Moorish courtiers, who, during 
this conversation, Stood grinding their teeth with 
rage againSt the Fathers. At lat the King's Reader, 
unable any longer to restrain himself, came forward 
and said, 44 The Fathers speak falsely. For Mafamede 
is mentioned in their own Gospel, where it is Stated 
that he will come a second time into the world." 

44 Is that so ?" asked the King, turning to the 

44 No, Sire," was the reply. 44 The Gospel tells us 
that no true prophet will come into the world with a 
new law until the day of judgment." 

The King expressed great astonishment at these 
words, and made the Father repeat them several times, 


after which he again asked him if he regarded 
Mafamede as a prophet. 

" No, Sire, I do not, 1 ' replied the Father, repeating 
these words also over and over again. 

Upon this, the King's Reader altered his demeanour. 
He said that it was wrong to HSlen to such things, and 
that he who did so was an unbeliever; and so saying, 
he withdrew in anger, and was not seen again that 

The following evening the King reopened the dis- 
cussion by again asking the Father in loud tones 
what he thought of Mafamede, adding that his Reader 
was very angry with him on account of what he had 
heard him say, though there was much truth in his 
words. The Father replied as on the previous even- 
ing; whereon the King, who seemed to delight in 
hearing evil spoken of their prophet, beckoned to his 
Reader, who had kept himself at a distance, saying, 
44 Come here, Nagibuscao " (for such was his name). 
44 Do you hear what the Fathers say, that Mafamede 
is a false prophet ?" 

44 Such men," said the Moor, " ought to be put to 
death rather than liftened to." And with that he 
Sopped his ears and hastened away. 

This greatly diverted the King, who laughed and 
slapped his thighs with merriment, at the same time 
calling to his Reader to come back. 

" Sire," said the Father, " this queftion is one to be 
settled by discussion and sound reasoning, not by 
the threats and calumnies of Nagibuscao." 

"The Father speaks truly," said the King. "So 



now, Nagibuscao, prove to us that Mafamede was a 

Thus called upon, the Reader proceeded to narrate 
a number of Stories and other nonsense from the 
Alkoran; and after he had spoken for some time, the 
King Slopped him, and told the Father to answer him. 
The latter replied that all these Tories were false; and 
he was proceeding to support his words by argument, 
when a Moorish Captain interposed and said, "We 
cannot prove anything by these Glories, because the 
ChriSlians do not hold our Tories to be true." Then, 
in support of his own faith, he narrated a miracle which 
they ascribe to Mafamede, which is, that the moon 
once fell to the earth and was broken to pieces, and 
that Mafamede put it together again, and passed it 
through his sleeve. 2 The Moor seemed to think 
that this was the laSt word, and that no further vindi- 
cation of his prophet could possibly be required. 
The King asked the Father what he had to say to it. 
The Father answered that it was a prodigious lie. 
" For Your MajeSty knows well," he said, " that the 
moon is so great that, if it had fallen from the sky, it 
would have overwhelmed not only the kingdoms of 
IndoSlan and India in the EaSl, but many parts and 
kingdoms of Europe, where there would undoubtedly 
be some record of the occurrence, had it ever taken 
place in the manner described ; for it would have been 
the greatest marvel in the hiStory of the world, and 
even the enemies of Mafamede would have to describe 
it as an amazing miracle. But as the Moors are the 
only people in the world who have heard tell of 



it, it is manifest that it is a &ory of their invention. 
The moon, you say, was small when it reached the 
earth. To this we reply that whatever it may have 
been that gave rise to this ftory, it was not the real 
moon, which could not dislodge itself and fall from 
the heavens, but that it was a delusion and a trick by 
means of which Mafamede sought to impose on the 
world. 1 * 

This reasoning Wrongly appealed to the King, who 
turned to those present and repeated what the Father 
had said. Many opinions were then expressed, now 
on this side, now on that. The King listened to all 
who spoke, and the Father answered their arguments, 
His Majesty always appearing satisfied with his words. 
At la&, one of the Captains said, " Our difficulty is 
that the Fathers are not to believe in our books, but 
we are to believe in theirs. How is it possible for 
us to dispute with them ?" Another was about to 
speak when a third Captain topped him, saying, u Do 
not join issue with these, who are very clever and 
possess much knowledge." There was also a Gentile 
Captain present, to whom the King now turned, 
asking him if he regarded Mafamede as a prophet. 
" Sire," was the reply, " how can I know anything of 
Mafamede ?" 

" Do you regard him as a false prophet ?" asked 
the King. 

The Gentile, perceiving that it pleased His Majefty 
to ridicule Mafamede, replied, u Yes, Sire 1 He is a 
false prophet," at which the King laughed exceedingly. 

Whilst these things were taking place, a young 



noble was carrying on a conversation with one of the 
Fathers who ftood near him, asking him various 
questions about Christ, and also speaking againft the 
King for mocking at Mafamede. His Majefty 
looked at him, and, bidding him approach, asked 
him what he was saying to the Father. Trembling 
with fear, the young man replied that he was speaking 
of the Lord Jesus. Diftru&ing his reply, the King 
turned to the Father and asked him what the youth 
had said. The Father made the beft of it, and said 
that he was speaking of Chrift our Saviour. 

" Very well," said the King, " let us hear you dispute 
with the Father." 

The poor young man, not knowing what to do, 
said, " Sire, I am only a youth, and he is a learned 
man. How can I dispute with him ?" He asked 
the Father if Chrift was the Son of God, and then 
Stopped, unable to proceed any further. However, a 
short time afterwards he went to the Father and thanked 
him for not telling the King he had spoken ill of him, 
begging him never to let this be known, as it would 
surely lead to his destruction. After this he took 
every opportunity of showing his gratitude. Indeed, 
he was so frequently in conversation with the Father 
that one of his relations, who was the chief of the 
King's nobles, rebuked him, saying, " Why do you, 
who scarcely know your A.B.C., converse and dispute 
with those who are a very sea of learning ?" None 
the less, the young man, though he spoke little to the 
Fathers in public, continued to visit them in secret, 
enquiring often about the my&eries of our law, which, 



being a youth of much intelligence, he learnt to under- 
hand very well. 

These disputes about Mafamede were soon talked 
of throughout the city, and the Moors began to regard 
the Fathers with intense hatred, following them with 
evil looks wheresoever they went, Slridebant dentibus 
in eos> so that each time they returned by night from the 
King's palace to their own house, they prepared them- 
selves for what they so earnestly desired, namely, 
death for confessing Chrift. But God did not permit 
the sons of darkness to work their will ; for it seemed 
to be His purpose &ill to use the Fathers for the greater 
manifestation of the light of the world, and the glory 
of His only Son. It is very remarkable, the good 
Fathers write, how these Moors close their ears to 
whatever is said againft Mafamede. They will liften 
to all that is told them of our faith; but this is the one 
thing they cannot endure; and if it were not for their 
fear of the King, we should have died a thousand 
times. To have a further opportunity of speaking 
of these things, they went one Friday to a large mosque. 
The Moors -at firt listened, but when it was said of 
Mafamede that he was not a prophet, they would not 
hear another word, but arose and departed, saying 
that it was wrong to listen to such men. 



ONE evening, the King was looking through a port- 
folio containing the piftures of which we have already 
made mention, while the Fathers ftood by him ex- 
plaining their meaning. Presently he came upon one 
representing Jesus Christ crucified, which the Fathers, 
when he handed it to them, adored with great reve- 
rence, removing their caps and placing it on their 
heads. After they had explained the pifture, a Moor 
who was present asked them why, if they and the 
Chriftians loved Chrift so much, they permitted him 
to be represented thus dishonoured. One of the 
Fathers replied, " By keeping Him before our eyes in 
this form, we do Him the highest possible honour, 
because He suffered thus not for His fault, but for 
our sake, of His own free will giving up His life 
to expiate our sins, and to teach us to give up our lives 
for Him. Whenever we think of this, our hearts 
are filled with gratitude to Him, and we are never 
weary of gazing upon Him thus upon the cross. 
For if," the Father continued, " one of your Majesty's 
vassals, in order to preserve your life, voluntarily 
submitted to torture and ignominy, you would con- 
sider that you were showing him the higheft respeft 
by recounting the sufferings he endured for your 
protection; and the contemplation of them would 
&ir you to gratitude and to honour him and his children. 



How much more then ought we to be grateful to our 
God and Lord who created us, that being God, He 
became man and suffered persecution and shame to 
save us who so little merit salvation. Are we not 
bound to love Him with all our hearts, and to be ready 
to lay down our lives for Him ? That such is our 
duty there can be no question; and hence it is that the 
moft beloved representation which we have of our 
Lord in life is that which shows Him, as here, on the 
cross ; and so highly do we esteem it, that if we were 
to see, side by side, our Lady the Virgin Mary and the 
image of Christ crucified, we should do reverence 
to the latter before doing reverence to the Virgin." 

" Do you mean," said a Moorish Captain, " before 
doing reverence to an image of the Virgin, or before 
doing reverence to the Virgin herself ?" 

" Before doing reverence to the Virgin herself," 
replied the Father. 

That is not reasonable," said the Moor. 

44 Do not be astonished," said the Father, u for we 
do not venerate these pictures because of the materials 
of which they are made, which we know are nothing 
more than paper or cloth and some colours, but 
because of that which they represent, which is the 
person of our Lord Jesus Chrift, In the same way 
you do not place the firmans of His Majefty the King 
on your head because they are sheets of paper with 
ink on them; but because they represent the com- 
mands of His Majesty and what it is his will that you 
should do." 

The King heard the Father quietly and with approval, 



observing, when he had finished, that he had reasoned 
very juftly. But the Moorish Captain said, 4t If Jesus 
Chri& died on a cross with so much ignominy, how 
can you say that he was God ?" This led to a dis- 
cussion on the divinity of Chrift, a subjeft which 
always provokes the Moors to anger. As the King 
was as yet unable to comprehend such matters, lacking 
the light of the true faith, and being anxious, as it 
seemed, to explain or qualify the Christian doctrine, 
said by way of defending it, " The Fathers, in calling 
Chrift God, use, as it were, a figure of speech, meaning 
thereby to show their great love for him. In just 
the same way I may call any one of whom I am very 
fond my brother, or my soul, though, in faft, the person 
is nothing of the kind. In the same way the Christians 
call Chrift God because they love him, though he 
is not so in reality." This was his answer to all the 
instances and proofs which the Fathers brought 
forward. He held forth with so much impetuosity 
that the latter could not get a word in, though they 
repeatedly begged to be allowed to speak. At length, 
to pacify them, he said, "Leave it to me, Fathers 1 
I am on your side." 1 And continuing he said, "As 
to their calling Chrift the Son of God, that is because 
he had neither father nor country, and was miraculously 
born of the Virgin Mary." Here one of his courtiers 
interrupted him by saying, " In the same way, Sire, 
we might call the worms that are engendered in the 
flesh the sons of God, for they have no country." 
44 That is unreasonable," said His Maje&y, 44 for these 
are creatures which live only four days, and have no 



qualities for which they can be called sons of God." 
Then, evidently very proud of his oration, he asked 
the Fathers if his explanation of their doctrine was not 
correft. They told him that it was not, at which he 
was a good deal annoyed, as he had been endeavouring 
to speak in their defence. But the subjeft was a grave 
one, and the Fathers could not dissimulate. He asked 
them if they had under&ood what he had said. They 
replied that they had, and repeated the words he 
had used. 

" Then what do you say to it ?" he asked. 

" We say," replied one of the Fathers, " that Jesus 
Chrift was the actual Son of God, and that He is in 
very truth God." 

" Is that in the Gospels ?" 

"Yes, Sire." 

At this point, one of the Moors said, 4C If Jesus 
Chrift had done miracles which no other ever did, 
one might say that he was God. But all the miracles 
which he performed were also performed by others; 
so you have no reason to call him God." The Fathers 
disposed of this argument by instancing many miracles 
which were performed by our Lord and by no others. 

The King asked if, in the Gospels, Chrift said of 
himself that he was God. 

"Many times," was the reply; whereon the King 
repeated his favourite argument, that the Fathers 
said this because of their great love for him. 

"Sire," said a courtier, "what you say is very 
reasonable; but these people will never confess as 
much. They do nothing but say that Chrift is adhially 



God. Ask the Father, and Your Majesty will see 
what he says." 

"There is no need to ask them," said the King. 
" They cannot help speaking of Chrift in this manner 
because of their love for him. If they were threatened 
with death they would ftill say the same, because they 
have consecrated their lives to him." 

" Sire, not only these who are consecrated to him, 
but all the Christians say the same. How do you 
explain this ?" 

** It is," said the King, " because they are all, from 
their infancy, brought up to love the Lord Jesus 
ChriSl, and to believe that he is God. Nor is this 
very Strange. Here in our own mountains there are, 
as you know, certain Darures (a class of devotees who 
profess to serve God) who, after drinking two cups of 
Range? which is a kind of beverage that gives pleasure 
while it destroys the senses), begin to perform such 
feats and antics that all the people run after them and 
acclaim them saints. If we were to see anyone raise 
the dead as easily as did Jesus Chrift, there is no doubt 
that we should call him a god. And if I who have 
not seen the miracles which Chrift did, love him 
much only because I have heard of them, and commend 
all my affairs to him, 8 why is it surprising that those 
who with their own eyes saw him raise the dead, 
called him God ?" 

All his nobles applauded these words, saying that 
the King had spoken truly, and that they were heathens 
\$em ley\ who did not believe in Jesus Chrift [que nao 
criam a Jesu ChriSlo]. 4 



THROUGHOUT the discussions of which we have spoken, 
the King always showed his deep regard for Chrift 
our Lord. He also spoke very ftrongly in favour of 
the use of pi&ures, which, amongft the Moors, are 
regarded with abhorrence; and on coming from 
Lahor, and finding his palaces at Agra very beautifully 
decorated and adorned both inside and outside with 
many pictures which had already been completed, and 
others that were being painted, in a balcony \varanda] 
where he sits daily to be seen by the people : l 
nearly all these piftures were of a sacred charafter, 
for in the middle of the ceiling there was a paint- 
ing of Chrift our Lord, very perfeftly finished, 
with an aureola, and surrounded by angels; and on 
the walls were some small piftures of the Saints, 
including John the Bapti&, St. Antony, St. Bernadine 
of Sena, and some female Saints. In another part 
were some Portuguese figures of large size, also very 
beautifully painted. On the outside of the wall, 
where is the window at which the King sits when he 
shows himself to the people, there had been painted 
life-size portraits of some of his favourites; but these 
he ordered to be obliterated, and in place of them he 
had painted a number of Portuguese figures, very well 
arranged, and of huge Mature, so that they could be 
seen from all parts of the maidan [for todo o terreird]. 



There were three figures on each side of the window. 
Above those on the right was a representation of 
Chrift our Lord with the globe of the world in His 
hand, and on the left of our Lady the Virgin, 
copied from a painting by St. Luke; and to the right 
and left of these were various Saints in a po&ure of 
prayer. The window where the King sits, being in 
the form of an oriel [charola}, every part of which is 
coloured, he had painted on the flanks of the same 
wall life-size portraits of his two sons very splendidly 
attired. Above one of them is a representation, on 
a smaller scale, of our Lord and a Father of the Com- 
pany with a book in his hand, and above the other, 
of our Lady the Virgin, On the vault of the charola 
are pidhires of St. Paul, St. Gregory, and St. Ambrose. 2 

It is a great consolation to the Fathers, when they 
come here to wait upon the King, to tell their beads 
before the pifture of our Lady, and to commend 
themselves to Chrift our Lord ; and they give constant 
thanks to God that these sacred pictures, which fill 
the Moors with astonishment every time they look 
upon them, are thus publicly displayed in this infidel 
King's chamber, which resembles the balcony [varan Jo] 
of a devout Catholic King rather than of a Moor. 

In the interior of the palace the walls and the 
ceilings of the various halls are adorned with piftures 
illuftrating the life of Chrift, scenes from the A&s 
of the Apoftles, copied from the Lives of the Apoftles 
which the Fathers had given him, and the Stories of 
SS. Ana and Susana and many other Saints. All 
this the King did of his own accord, without a sug- 


ge&ion from anyone. He himself selefted, from his 
own collection of piftures, the figures to be painted ; 
and he ordered his artifts to consult the Fathers as 
to the colours to be used for the coftumes, and to 
follow their in&ruftions in every detail. 

The King's way of decorating his palace was very 
offensive to the Moors, who regard pidhires of all 
kinds with such disfavour that they will not tolerate 
portraits of their own saints, much less those of the 
Christian faith, which they hate so bitterly. As they 
deny altogether the passion of our Lord, they greatly 
resented a large pifture, a copy of a painting of Chrift 
a coluna, which the King had made at this time. It 
was his intention that this should serve as a pattern 
for a curtain [fano] which he had ordered to be made 
of pure silk, and on which were to be woven, as on 
arras, the same figure of Chrift a coluna, with the 
inscription, worked in a like manner, in Persian 
characters. 3 On a wall of one of the halls he had 
painted figures of the Pope, the Emperor, King Philip, 
and the Duke of Savoy, whose portraits he possessed, 
all on their knees adoring the holy cross, which was 
in their midft, as in a pidhire which he had. 

The Father loao Aluares, Assistant of Portugal, sent 
His Majefty from Rome a pifture of our Lady and the 
Adoration of the Magi. It would be difficult to say 
how greatly he prized this pifture. As it reached 
him direft, without passing through the hands of the 
Fathers, he sent for them as soon as he received it, 
and having shown it to them in the presence of his 
courtiers, asked them to explain its meaning. When 

6 K 


they had done so, he repeated what they had said to 
those present, telling the Story of the birth of our 
Lord and the Adoration of the Magi juSt as though he 
were a preacher in a pulpit, holding up the picture 
the while that all might see it. Afterwards he sent it 
to the Fathers to be suitably adorned and mounted on 
a board \sobre hua tauoa]f that it might not become 
damaged by being constantly unrolled. The Fathers 
decorated the border which surrounded the pidture 
with ornamental designs in black and white, copied 
from some of our books and paintings. The King 
was delighted with their work, and had his own 
portrait inserted in the design, himself choosing the 
place for it. 

By means of these piftures, and what the Fathers 
have told him about them, the King is well versed in 
moSt of the mySteries of ChriSt our Lord and our Lady 
the Virgin, and openly prides himself on his know- 
ledge. One evening when the Fathers were with him, 
he took up a picture of the Circumcision of our Lord, 
and making a sign to them not to speak, asked some 
of his nobles if they knew what it meant; and when 
they said that they did not, he explained it to them, 
and then asked the Father if what he had said was 
correct. On being told that it was, he was greatly 
pleased, and said : " I understand these things very 
well." In brief, so high is his eSteem for ChriSt and 
our Lady, that all the orders and letters which he sends, 
whether to Moors, Gentiles, or Christians, though 
bearing on the inside the royal signet, are sealed on 
the outside with their effigies. For he has an inStru- 



ment like a small forceps made of gold, on the points 
of which are set two emeralds, square in shape and as 
large as the nail of the thumb, on which are engraved 
the figures of our Lord and the Virgin, and these are 
impressed on the wax with which the letters are 
fastened. 6 

By these and other signs one cannot but recognise 
the sincere devotion of this King to ChriSt and our 
Lady, for whom he himself confesses his great love. 
And though the fruit the Fathers so earnestly desire 
to gather has not yet matured, he daily gives them 
new grounds for hoping that the good Jesus and his 
moSt holy Mother will look with compassion upon 
him, and beStow on him that which he lacks. More- 
over, he is a man who, having once formed a resolution, 
does not shrink from carrying it out before the whole 
world; so that his determination to join our faith 
would be a splendid consummation, for it would doubt- 
less lead to the establishment of a great Christian 
Stronghold in these parts. 

But while he has so high a regard for ChriSt and 
the holy Virgin, and for all that appertains to the 
Christian faith, he is held back by the severe discipline 
which our law imposes, and more than aught else 
because it forbids a man to take more than one wift, 
which is a Stumbling-block not only to the Moors, 
but to all the Gentiles of the EaSt; indeed it is, as 
they themselves say, on account of this prohibition 
that they find our faith so hard to accept. The King, 
who often discussed the subject with the Fathers, 
mentioned it on one of those evenings when they were 



disputing with the Moors. In reply to his remarks, 
one of the Fathers said that to overcome the difficulty 
of which he spoke, all that a man had to do was to 
embrace the law of ChriSt ; for God would thereupon 
endow him with such grace that what before seemed 
difficult to him would be made easy. 

" Sire," interposed one of the Moors, " the Father 
speaks thus now; but a short while ago he proved the 
contrary with the example of David, who though a 
great prophet, and possessing so many wives, never- 
theless sinned." 

" The sin of David," said the Father, " is an example 
of human frailty. Moreover, in David's day, the law 
of ChriSt had not been established, and men had not 
experienced the great Strength of the divine grace. 
But since ChriSt came into the world, and gave us 
His holy law, the efficacy of that grace has been proved 
by the number of Christian kings, and the millions 
of other Christians scattered over the whole world, who 
have lived, or are Still living, content with one wife." 

"What you say is very well," said the King; " but 
allowing that this thing is difficult, and that if it were 
not so we should all be ready to embrace your law, I 
ask you If a King like me, who has many wives, 
should desire to become a Christian, what would you 
have him do ?" 

" His MajeSty means, Father," interposed a Moorish 
Captain, " any king whatsoever." 

" I do not mean," His MajeSty said, " such a king 
as I am; but one who like myself is a king. What 
would you say to him ?" 



"The firft thing I should say, Sire," replied the 
Father, " would be that out of his many wives he muft 
seleft one, and leave the reft." 

44 That would not be an easy matter," said the King. 
44 But supposing he is left with only one wife, what, I 
ask you, is he to do if she is blind ?" 

"Let him not marry the one who is blind; but 
choose another." 

" But suppose she becomes blind after marriage!" 

4C That presents no difficulty; for blindness does not 
prevent the aft of marriage." 

44 That is true enough," said the King, " but the 
heart would not be drawn to her." 

44 And suppose," said one of the Moors, 44 that after 
marriage she becomes a leper!" 

44 Then," replied the Father, " it would be necessary 
to have patience." 

44 Oh, that would be impossible!" said the King. 

44 It would be possible, Sire, with the aid of God's 
grace, which makes all things easy." 

44 1 do not doubt," the King said, " that to you, who 
have been accuftomed from childhood to abstain from 
women, it would be easy; but those who are not like 
you what are they to do?" 

44 Sire, even with cuftom such things are not without 
difficulty; and amongft Chriftians, too, sins are com- 
mitted. But for this, the law of Chrift our Lord 
provides the remedy of penitence." 

41 And what penitence," asked the King, 44 is re- 
quired of those who sin against the law of chaftity ?" 

This gave the Father the opportunity of discoursing 



on the doftrines of penitence and grace, and the means 
which Christians use to overcome the temptations of 
the flesh. The Moors, being a carnal-minded race, 
disputed with him at great length, but the Father 
answered them in such a manner that though they 
did not admit defeat, they were convinced and put to 
shame by his words. 

AmongSt the Christians who are here, many things 
have been done in the service, and to the great glory, 
of our Lord. This is what befell a young Cafre 
Christian who was in the King's service, and who, by 
His Majesty's orders, lived in the house of an Abexim 
[Abyssinian] Moor, who was one of the royal favourites. 
One day the Moor sent for him and tried to make 
him abandon his faith, and pay homage to Mafamede. 
But the young man said he was a Christian, and that 
he would never do such a thing. The Moor firSt 
tempted him with soft words and fair promises, and 
then, finding these unavailing, sought to overcome 
him by blows, which were administered with such 
fierceness that the Cafre's cabaia was rent in pieces. 
He then attempted to seize the String of beads which 
he saw about his vidtim's neck; but the latter gripped 
them so tightly with his hands that he was unable to 
succeed. He next ordered fire to be brought, saying 
that he would burn the beads on his neck. " Do not 
make too sure," said the Cafre; "you shall burn me 
before you burn these," and when the Moor threatened 
to throw him on the fire, which had already been 
kindled, he answered : u You may do with me what 
you will; but I will never become a Moor." All who 



were landing by marvelled at his constancy, while his 
sufferings excited so much compassion that a water- 
carrier, indignant at what he saw, threw the water he 
was carrying on the fire and extinguished it. As the 
young man Slill showed no signs of yielding, the 
Moor put iron chains on him, and shut him up in 
his house like a prisoner. 

When this came to the ears of the Fathers, one of 
them went Straightway to the house. On entering the 
courtyard he encountered a Gentile who had witnessed 
all that had taken place, and who, on seeing the Father, 
exclaimed : " How bravely your Cafre bore himself, 
and what blows he endured in defence of his law 1 
I swear that if they had done as much, or even less, 
to any Moor or Gentile, they could have made him 
submit to anything. What courage, what constancy 
he showed 1" The Father then spoke to the Moor, 
with the result that the latter handed over to him his 
prisoner, who was in so weak and exhausted a Slate 
that he had great difficulty in walking to the Father's 
house. His tattered cabala, and the marks of the 
Stripes on his flesh, gave him comeliness in the sight 
of God, and in the eyes of the Fathers, who envied 
him not a little his triumph. One of them went at 
once to the palace to give an account of the affair to 
the King. At the entrance, he encountered the Moor, 
who, guessing the purpose that had brought him 
thither, begged his forgiveness, making a thousand 
excuses and apologies for his behaviour, and vowing 
that he would never do such a thing again. He 
pleaded so hard, while other nobles came up and 


pleaded for him, knowing that it would go hard with 
him if the affair came to the knowledge of the King, 
that the Father could not help yielding to their en- 
treaties. He refrained from speaking to the King, 
and earned thereby the lading gratitude of the Moor. 
An Armenian belonging to a certain village had 
caused the death of a little Gentile girl. The father 
of the girl took him before the officers of juftice and 
charged him with murder, and as soon as he had been 
put in prison, went his way. While he was in prison, 
a Moorish Captain came to see him, and sent others 
many times to him, promising him, in the King's 
name, his life and many rewards and favours, if he 
would abandon the Christian faith and accept the law 
of Mafamede. But this good Christian paid no heed 
to their allurements and remained true to his faith. 
At length he, and four others who were prisoners with 
him, were sentenced by the King himself to have their 
right hands cut off. The Merinho Mor sent for him, 
and he too promised to obtain his pardon if he would 
become a Moor. But then was fulfilled the promise 
of the Saviour of the world to those who, for His sake, 
are arraigned before the tribunes of princes and kings, 
" Dabo vobis os, &? sapientta, ifa"; for by no means 
could the Merinho Mor persuade him. When the 
hand of this brave soldier of ChriSt was placed on the 
block, and the executioner was ready to sever it at a 
blow, the Caciz even then offered to save him if he 
would accept his law. But the Armenian answered 
him angrily, and turning to the executioner, said: 
" Do your office. My choice is made: though I lose 



my life, I will not give up the faith which I profess." 
Seeing that he was wafting his time, the Caciz ordered 
the sentence to be carried out; and the Armenian's 
right hand, and the right hands of the four others, were 
cut off, after which they were taken back to prison. 

As the Fathers were not allowed to enter the prison 
themselves, they sent one of their servants to minister 
to the brave Armenian. Such was the inhumanity of 
the Moors, that they showed no kind of pity for these 
mutilated viftims of the law. No surgeon was called 
to ftanch the blood which was flowing from their 
veins, and two of them bled to death. The Armenian 
was carefully tended by the servant of the Fathers, 
who made him plunge his arm in boiling oil, which 
ftopped the flow of blood, after which he dressed it 
as well as he could. A day or two later, Father 
Xauier with great difficulty obtained his release from 
prison, and took him to his house where he was well 
looked after. The Father paid a surgeon to attend 
him, and provided sustenance for his wife and children 
as well as a house for them to live in; for when the 
Armenian was sent to prison, his property was con- 
fiscated by the State. But at this time he received 
news that his brother had died at Chaul in the house 
of the Santa Misericordia, 6 and had left him five 
thousand larins* (a larin is worth four teflons of Por- 
tugal), with which sum he was able to repair his 
fortunes. Thus, by the death of his brother, our 
Lord recompensed him for rejecting pardon, freedom, 
and worldly honours, for His sake. 

Another case was that of a Frenchman, a man of 



many parts, who held an important ppSt in the gun- 
foundry. Some years previously he had been cap- 
tured by the Turcs in the Mediterranean Sea, not far 
from Marseilles, and had been taken to Argel [Algiers], 
where he was forced to become a Moor. Subse- 
quently, while serving in the galleys of Argel, he was 
made a prisoner by the Christians and was confined 
in the convent of St. Francisco of Valenca, in Aragao. 
From here he contrived to escape; and after traversing 
Spain, Italy, Egypt, Ethiopia, and parts of India, 
found his way with his wife and children to Labor 
and Agra, and the King took him into his service and 
made him a Captain of two hundred horse. He was 
very fond of telling the Moors about the Christians, 
and especially about the miracles of our Lady of 
Monseratte. 8 He spoke with such affeftion of the 
Christian faith that the Moors, amongSt whom he 
had acquired considerable influence, were greatly im- 
pressed by his words. At Agra he fell sick; and as 
he had already become acquainted with Father Xauier, 
he sent for him and told him that he was a Christian, 
and that he had never found any satisfaction in the 
law of Mafamede. The Father exhorted him to make 
a general confession, telling him how this should be 
done, at the same time giving him a book in which 
he might Study the Christian doctrines. He spent 
several days miniStering to the spiritual needs of his 
patient, who was thus brought back to the holy 
Mother Church. He received the sacraments with 
devotion and tears of penitence, and passed from this 
life with every hope of salvation. 



Our Lord was greatly glorified in this heathen 
capital, where all the people are His enemies and the 
King is an infidel, when on Maundy Thursday He was 
raised upon the cross and carried in procession through 
the Streets of the city, before the very eyes of His 
enemies. The procession Started from the church and 
was preceded by an officer of juSlice who had charge 
of those parts of the city through which it passed. 
He had others with him who cleared the way, and kept 
back all who attempted any interference. There was 
also a certain Captain who assisted in the same way. 
He came on an elephant, which he Slopped as the 
procession approached, and watched the whole com- 
pany file paSl him, marvelling to see the good order 
which the ChriSlians kept, and the multitude of lights 
which they carried. One of the Fathers held aloft the 
holy crucifix, and another wearing the cope of the 
asperges, chanted litanies to which the children of 
the doutrina responded. AmongSl those who followed 
were twelve disciplinants, who scourged themselves 
until the blood ran down their bodies, a speftacle 
which greatly aSlonished the Moors, who had never 
seen the like before. After the procession was over, 
they were heard to say amongSl themselves : " Are these 
the people we call heathens ? We have nothing to 
compare with this." 

On one occasion, Father Xauier brought to the 
King a rosary of walrus ivory \cavallo marinho^ with 
a cross attached to it. This the King presented, as 
a mark of his favour, to one of his great Captains, 
who, being a Moor, removed the cross. Presently, 



the King, seeing the beads without the cross, asked 
the Captain what had become of it. " I removed it, 
Sire," he said, " because it is heavy, and because the 
Chri&ians say that it is a representation of that on 
which Jesus Chrift suffered, in whom we do not 
believe." This roused the King to such anger that he 
then and there deprived the Captain of his office, 
disgracing him in the eyes of all who were present. 
He afterwards banished him to Mecha. 


THE Great Mogul had determined to send an am- 
bassador to Portugal, 2 who was to take with him a 
present for His Maje&y worth, it was said, two 
hundred thousand crusados, and another for the Pope. 
But certain reasons of state, combined with the advice 
of his councillors, led him to abandon his intention. 
He resolved, however, to send an embassy to the 
Viceroy of India, choosing as his representative a 
great Captain from Cambaya, named Mocarebecam 
[Muqarrab Khan], 8 whose advice he took in all im- 
portant matters. This powerful lord had an income 
of fifty thousand pardaos, besides a hundred and fifty 
thousand which he received from the King. His 
Majefty asked Father leronimo Xauier, Superior of 
the Mission, to allow Father Manoel Pinheiro, who 
resided at Lahor, to accompany the Mission, to which 
he readily assented; and the Father set forth with the 
ambassador on the I3th September, 4 1607. 

They reached Cambaya in April, 1608; but as the 
Count de Feira, who had been newly appointed 
Viceroy, had not yet reached India, 6 the ambassador 
decided not to proceed at once to Goa, but to await 
in Cambaya the news of his arrival, that his embassy 
might receive a more distinguished recept 

During these days there came into 
Father a pifture of the Wise Kings, 6 j^hIQr / Iiad been" 



sent from Rome, and was on its way to the King. As 
it was a work of unusual excellence, the Father dis- 
played it publicly in the church, placing it on the altar, 
which was beautifully decorated for the occasion. The 
fame of the pifture soon spread through the city, and 
Moors and Gentiles alike flocked to see it, so that it 
was estimated that in the thirteen days during which 
it was on view no less than thirteen thousand persons 
visited the church. Many seemed unable to take 
their eyes off the pifture, and had to be sent away to 
make room for others. To avoid a mixed crowd, it 
was arranged that men should enter at one time and 
women at another. The Nuabo, who is the Chief 
Judge, was among& those who came; and he, too, 
gazed on the pifture as though spell-bound by such 
perfection. The ambassador begged that it might 
be sent to him, that he might show it to the ladies of 
his household, who greatly desired to see it. The 
Father replied that he could not allow the picture to 
go out of his keeping; but that his Lordship could 
come and see it as often as he wished. So he came, 
with all his family. On being shown the pi&ure, he 
saluted very reverently the Infant Jesus and his holy 
Mother; and so deeply was he impressed with the 
majefty visible in their figures, that he said that it 
would be better not to have lived at all than to have 
lived without seeing so marvellous a work. 

It happened at this time that the son of the am- 
bassador was attacked by a severe illness. As the 
do&ors were unable to give him any relief, recourse 
was had to enchanters, who endeavoured to drive the 



disease away with their charms and superstitious 
remedies. When their efforts also proved unavailing, 
the ambassador begged the Father to come and treat 
his son, whose condition was growing daily worse. 
The Father read the Gospel of St. Mark over the 
patient; then, taking a cross containing some relics, 
he placed it on his eyes and forehead, whereon it 
pleased our Saviour to deliver him from his fever, and 
in a short time he was completely restored to health. 
Not long afterwards, the ambassador himself fell sick, 
and the Father was able, by God's help, to cure him 
also. When the King heard of this, he sent the 
Father his thanks, and the ambassador, too, was filled 
with gratitude for all that had been done for him. 

There were in Cambaya some Armenians who were 
living sinfully with some Moorish women whom they 
kept in their house. The Father pointed out to them 
the depravity of their conduct, and remonstrated with 
them to such good purpose that the women became 
Christians, and were married to the Armenians accord- 
ing to the law of the Church. These and many 
other things the Father did there in the service of 
God, until he was summoned to Goa, where he spent 
a great part of the winter. He had, however, to return 
to Cambaya to transact certain business with the 
Mogor ambassador, the nature of which we shall now 

For the better understanding of the Father's Mission, 
some reference muSt be made to the circumstances 
which led to it. These were briefly as follows. After 
the ambassador and Father Pinheiro had set out for 



India, an Englishman, the captain of two ships which 
a year or two previously had arrived at Surrate, came 
to Agra where the King was holding his court. 7 He 
carried letters of recommendation from the Captains 
of Surrate, and arrived at court in great Slate, very 
richly clad, and Styling himself the ambassador of his 
King, from whom he brought a letter written in the 
Spanish language. 8 He conversed with the King in 
Turki, for he could both speak and understand this 
language. Religion was one of the firSl subjects they 
discussed, the King enquiring specially about the moSt 
holy Sacrament. In reply, the Englishman, like the 
heretic he was, told him much that was contrary to 
the truth and to the Catholic doftrine of this myStery, 
which the Fathers had fully explained to him during 
one of their disputes with him and the Moors. The 
King next asked him why he had come to his kingdom. 
The Englishman presented the letter he had brought, 
and said that he had come as the ambassador of his 
King to ask permission for English ships to trade at 
his ports. The King at once granted this requeSt, 
being influenced to a large extent by the presents 
which the ambassador brought him. These muSl 
have been worth as much as twenty-five thousand 
crusades, for a single precious Stone that he brought 
was valued at twenty thousand. As an additional 
mark of his favour, the King made him a captain of 
four hundred horse with the pay of thirty thousand 
rupees, 9 which are equal to fifteen thousand crusados. 
He thus became bound to the imperial service, so that 
he could not return to his own country without per- 



mission. To please the King he dressed himself 
after the fashion of the Moors, 10 but he made it known 
that though he had adopted their co&ume, he had not 
accepted their law. 

After this, the heretic grew insolent in his behaviour. 
He treated the Fathers with contempt, deeming him- 
self to be higher than they were in the favour of the 
King. He brought with him to Agra two servants, 11 
both heretics like himself. One of these was his 
minifter. The other died whilft at Agra, and as the 
Fathers refused him burial among& the Chriftians, 
the heretic was much offended. He was afterwards 
&ill more offended with them because they refused to 
marry him to the daughter of an Armenian. When 
he requeued them to perform the ceremony, they 
excused themselves by saying that they could have no 
dealings with him in divine matters, since he was 
a heretic. But the other, for the sake of his own 
honour, as well to please his father-in-law in this matter, 
continued to urge his request that one of them should 
be his prie&. At laft, in order to be rid of him, the 
Fathers said that it should be as he wished, provided 
that he would publicly acknowledge the Pope to be 
the head of the universal Church. This condition the 
heretic refused to accept, and in the end he was 
married to the daughter of the Armenian by the 
minifter whom he had brought with him. 12 

One day, whilst the Englishman was Still basking 
in the royal favour, the King asked him by what 
means the fortress of Diu could be captured from the 
Portuguese. He answered that with fourteen English 

81 F 


ships on the sea, and a land army of twenty thousand 
men, the Portuguese would be forced to capitulate 
through sheer hunger. Ju at this time, some other 
Englishmen arrived at Cambaya. They had left 
London in March of the year 1 607 with two ships, 18 
and a crazy pinnace which they fitted out in the bay 
of Saldanha [Table Bay], where they wintered. Off 
the Cape of Good Hope they encountered a severe 
Storm which ladled twenty days, in the course of which 
the admiral's ship, a very large vessel, became separated 
from the others and was not seen again. The re- 
maining ship and the pinnace, after rounding the Cape, 
sailed to the island of Socotra, and thence to Aden 
where they anchored. The Turks made them land 
their merchandise, and having taken the bet part of 
it at their own price, ordered them to re-embark the 
remainder, making them pay a duty of fifteen per cent, 
for landing it, and the same for being permitted to 
take it away. From Aden they went to Moca; but 
the Xarifi would not allow them to land, saying that 
they were Corsairs ; so they returned thence, and sailed 
for Cambaya. In making for the port of Surrate in 
Cambaya they Struck upon a sandbank which extends 
from before Medafaual to Danu, 14 where they were 
wrecked. They managed to save their lives and some 
money in two boats; but they left at the bottom of 
the sea seventeen chefts of reals and much merchandise. 
The two boats, containing about seventy persons, 
reached Surrate, and the Captain of the place, looking 
to make some profit out of the Strangers, gave them 
a friendly reception, 



News of this event, and of the reception which the 
English had met with at Surrate, reached the Governor 
of India, 16 Andre Furtado de Mendofa, soon after 
he had assumed charge of his poft. Connecting the 
coming of these people with what he had heard about 
the English ambassador, who, as we have said above, 
had been very honourably received at the Mogul 
court, and had obtained from the King permission to 
set up a faftory at Surrate, he held that the treaty of 
peace between the Portuguese and the King had been 
broken; and though at the commencement of his 
governorship, and before knowing these things, he had 
written to the Mogul ambassador saying that he antici- 
pated his visit with great pleasure, he now wrote to 
cancel what he had written, telling the ambassador that 
as the treaty of peace with his King had been broken, it 
was not desirable that he should come to Goa. At 
the same time he issued orders both at Goa and in 
the fortresses of the North, prohibiting all persons 
from entering Cambaya. This caused much discon- 
tent, especially amongft the traders, both Moors and 
Gentiles, and even amongst the Portuguese. There 
was an immediate outbreak of hostilities in the lands 
of Damao, and seizures were made on both sides. 
But there were soon signs that the breaking of the 
peace and the ftoppage of trade were very unwelcome 
to the Moors. On this account, and because there 
were on our side many reasons for not entering upon 
a war before seeking every means of avoiding it, the 
Governor and his Council decided that, before the 
rupture became more serious, a messenger should be 



sent to the Mogul ambassador to arrange with him 
for the dispatch of a complimentary letter which it 
was their desire to send to his King, pointing out to 
him the reasons why he should preserve the peace and 
friendly relations which he had established with the 
King of Portugal, and cancel anything he had done to 
disturb them. 

To negotiate an affair of such importance the 
Governor and his Council judged that there was no 
one better fitted than Father Pinheiro, who was then 
at Goa; so having obtained the Provincial's consent 
to his employment, the Governor gave him letters to 
the ambassador and authority to decide either for peace 
or war, sanctioning whatever he should do. At the 
same time he authorised him to notify in all the fort- 
resses of the North that merchants were free to proceed 
to Cambaya as before. 

The Father had to endure many hardships on his 
journey, for it was the winter season, which is very 
unfavourable for travelling. After being twice forced 
by ftorms to return to India, he managed to get as far 
as Tarapor 10 some twenty-three leagues from Goa, 
where he entered the river to await more favourable 
weather. In the meantime, sand closed up the entrance 
to the river, so that it became impossible for him to 
put to sea. As the business on which he had been 
dispatched was very urgent, he continued his journey 
by land through the country of the Moors, travelling 
sometimes in a litter and sometimes on foot, and 
encountering many difficulties owing to the rivers which 
had to be crossed, and the mountains over which he 



had to pass. The Moors, knowing that he was of the 
Company, showed him much courtesy and kindness; 
but the Captain of Danda, 17 in the country of Daquini, 
detained him, saying that his embassy would be preju- 
dicial to his King who was at war with the Mogor* 
at whose court he, the Father, had so long resided; and 
it was only his taft and his knowledge of the Persian 
language which enabled him to extricate himself from 
this predicament. As he passed through the fortresses 
of the North he announced, on behalf of the Governor, 
that merchants could go to Cambaya as before. The 
Father was warmly welcomed not only in the domains 
of the Portuguese, but in all parts of Cambaya, both 
Moors and Gentiles expressing their gratitude to him 
for coming to restore peace. The ambassador received 
him with every sign of pleasure, for they had long been 
on friendly terms. The Father negotiated with him 
in such a way that everything was arranged to their 
mutual satisfa&ion, and to the advantage of the State 
of India and the kingdom of Mogor. 18 As a late of 
war had adhially existed in Damao, and reprisals had 
been made, orders were issued that everything that 
had been seized by either side should be restored. 
Both the ambassador and the Father wrote reports to 
the King, urging the necessity of peace with the 
Portuguese, and the removal of all obstacles to its 

The King agreed to everything, and revoked the 
permission he had given to the English to e&ablish 
a faftory at Surrate. This was to the great discom- 
fiture of the unfortunate English ambassador, who 



was, as we have said, at the Mogul court, for he at once 
fell from the favour of the King, who sent him to the 
country of Bengala, far away from Cambaya, where he 
had no opportunity of communicating with his country- 
men. 19 The Mogul ambassador, as Governor of this 
kingdom [Cambaya], sent immediate orders to the 
Captain of Surrate that he should no longer give shelter 
to the English in that city. The latter asked per- 
mission to build, or hire, a ship to take them to their 
own country; but they were told to apply to the Viceroy 
of India. Finding themselves reduced to such Straits, 
these poor people endeavoured to make their way to 
the King of Mogor ; but on the road they were attacked 
by a band of horsemen, for there are many robbers in 
this country, who plundered them and slew the greater 
part of them, including their Captain. 20 Those who 
were left at Surrate went to Goa with Father Pinheiro, 
from whom and from others of the Company in that city 
they received the charitable treatment which those of 
the Society are always ready to extend to their fellow- 
men. 21 

The ambassador was awaited at Goa by the Viceroy, 
Ruy Lourenfo de Tauora, who had also arrived, and 
had written to say that he might now come to Goa with 
all security. At the same time orders were given for 
one of our ships to bring him. But as he was at this 
time recalled by the King, he was unable to come. 
His duties as the Mogul's ambassador were therefore 
carried out by Father Pinheiro, who shared his office. 
Hie Father arrived at Goa on St. Catherine's day, and 
on the following Sunday the Viceroy received 1 ' the 



letter of the King, upon which guns were fired and 
other public demonstrations took place to celebrate 
the peace which had been confirmed with so many 
testimonies of good-will. On behalf of the ambassador 
the Father presented to the Viceroy the present which 
he had brought; and the Viceroy thanked the Father 
for having conducted the negotiations so greatly to the 
honour and advantage of the State. 





1 This chapter belongs to Part IV of the Relations (fols. 1483-1 5 ib). 
Guerreiro's authority was Father Xavier's letter to the Provincial at 
Goa, dated 25th September, 1606. 

My references to the Memoirs of Jahangir are throughout to the 
translation by Mr. Alexander Rogers (Tuzuk-i-J ahangiri, Royal 
Asiatic Society, 1909). 

2 Cf. Memoirs, I,p. I. "By the boundless favour of Allah when 
one sidereal hour of Thursday, Jumada-s-sani, A.H. 1014 (O&ober 24th, 
1605), had passed, I ascended the royal throne in the capital of Agra, 
in the 38th year of my age." Akbar died on Oftober xyth (old ftyle). 
The Fathers, who reckoned by the new yle, which is ten days in ad- 
vance of the old, give O&ober 27th as the date of Akbar's death. The 
reformed calendar came into use in Roman Catholic countries in the 
year 1582. 

3 i.e. Padshah salamat, the Persian equivalent of * Hail, King !' 
or " God save the King !" 

4 The note on this word in my Scenes and Characters from Indian 
Hislory is wrong. I was misled by du Jarric, who incorre&ly renders 
Guerreiro's words, as ramesas & orafoes dos mouros, by the phrase, 
leurs RamesaSy qui sont les prims des Saracens. The reference is evi- 
dently to the fast of ramazan ; and the passage means that Jahangir 
reinstated the fast, and the prayers of the Muhammadans in the royal 
palace, where their observance had been discontinued by the orders 
of Akbar. 

The people of Spain and Portugal gave the nameMouros, or * Moors,' 
to Muhammadans in all parts of the world, the name having come into 
use when the Muhammadans of Mauritania overran the Peninsula in 
the middle ages. Their example was followed by the Dutch and the 
English, though in other countries of Europe the older name * Saracen ' 
was more generally employed. To the Portuguese the people of India 
were either Moors or Gentiles (Gentios), the latter term being applied 
to all Hindus, irrespective of race or caste. 

5 i.e. Nur-ud-din (Light of the Faith), Muhammad, Jahangir (Con- 
queror of the World). The two first words do not constitute a single 



phrase, as the text implies. Jahangir explains his name as follows : 
" An inspiration from the hidden world brought it into my mind that, 
in as much as the business of kings is the controlling of the world, 
I should give myself the name Jahangir and make my title of honour 
Nuru-d-din, inasmuch as my sitting on the throne coincided with the 
rising and shining on the earth of the great light (the sun). I had also 
heard, in the days when I was a prince, from Indian sages, that after 
the expiration of the reign of King Jalalu-d-din Akbar one named 
Nuru-d-din would be administrator of the affairs of the ftate. There- 
fore I gave myself the appellation of Nuru-d-din Jahangir Padshah " 
(Memoirs, I, p. 2). 

6 Nevertheless, says Father Xavier in his letter of September, 1606, 
the Gentiles continued to show respect to the Fathers, remembering 
the favourable treatment they had received from the late King, " de 
modo que viuiamos do credito passado que com o Rey morto tivemos, 
e com elle [Jahangir] antes que fora Rey." 

7 By the old reckoning, April 4th. 

8 i.e. the Kotwal, or Chief Constable. 

9 The Persian word jah signifies ' mighty.' 

10 It is interesting to turn toXavier's account. Many suggestions, 
he says, were made as to who should be sent to capture the Prince. But 
the King, knowing the courageous spirit of his son, and having little 
confidence in his advisers, whom he suspected of being privy to his 
designs, decided to take the matter into his own hands; and before 
dawn, and without giving his escort time to get ready, he dashed off, 
practically unattended, in pursuit of the fugitive. All was confusion in 
the palace. The great nobles hastily armed themselves and galloped 
after the King, while all were dismayed at his precipitancy, and re- 
proached those who had permitted him to set forth in such fashion. 
Nevertheless, observes Father Xavier, if the King had not gone himself, 
the Prince would never have been taken, for he was a general favourite 
with the people, who would gladly have espoused his cause, and many 
were ready to follow him ; while Jahangir, whose liberality had fallen 
short of the promises made at his accession, was far from popular. The 
passage in the letter runs as follows : " Ouvio varios conselhos sobre o 
que faria, e quern mandaria apos elle, toda via como quern conhe^ia os 
espiritos do filho, e a pouca confianca que tinha dos seus que temeo 
que erao sabedores da fugida se resolueo de ir elle mesmo apos elle, e 
assi em amanhecendo parte, eis subit ** reuolta a terra, huns caualgao 
apos el Rey que saio so'o sem guardos & com os grandes que em poucas 
horas da noite se poderao aparelhar, outros se vem desaparelhados para 
tal presa quasi todos notauao el Rey de mancebo e mal aconselhado, e 
culpouao aos que nao pegauao delle para Ihe impedir a tal saida, mas na 
verdade sayo o conselho certo que se o mesmo Rey nao fora apos seu 
filho nunca a ouuera os maos ; porque e&aua el Rey mal quisto por nao 



mostrar a liberalidade que antes de ser Rey prometio, e ao contrario 
o filho com essa tinha de sua mao os cora^oes de muitos e folgauao muito 
de o acompanhar." 

11 The name of this Captain was Husain Beg Badakshi, who, says 
Jahangir, " was of those who had received favours from my revered 
father, and was coming from Kabul to wait on me. As it is the tem- 
perament of the Badakshis to be seditious and turbulent, Khusrao re- 
garded this meeting as a godsend, and made Husain Beg the captain 
and guide of 200 or 300 Badakshan Aimaqs who were with him " 
(Memoirs, I, 55). Husain Beg had rendered Akbar very valuable 
service in Afghanistan, in return for which he had been placed in 
charge of Kabul, and had been given Fort Rohtas in the Pan jab as a 
jagir. According to the Ain-i-Akbari, it was he who persuaded 

Khusru to seek refuge at Kabul, which, he said, had always been the 
starting-place of the conquerors of India. He also said that he had four 
lakhs of rupees in Rohtas which were at the Prince's disposal. 

The second captain who joined Khusru was Abdur Rahim, after- 
wards dignified with the title Khar (Ass). He was Diwan of Lahore. 
Jahangir says that Khusru gave him the title of Malik Anwar, and 
made him his Vizier. 

12 In his Memoirs Jahangir says that, at the critical moment of the 
battle, " the men of the right wing raised the cry of Padshah S a/am at 
(" Long live the King !") and charged, and the rebels, hearing the words, 
gave up and scattered abroad to various hiding-places." 

13 The battle was fought at Bhairawal (Bhaironwal, Bhyrowal) on 
Friday, Zi-1-hijja 27th (April 24th). The dates in the Memoirs are 
not always correct ; and it is frequently difficult to tell whether Jahangir 
is referring to a Hijri or an Ilahi month. Fortunately, however, he 
generally mentions the day of the week, so that it is possible to reconstruct 
the course of events with tolerable accuracy. Jahangir reached 
Sultanpur, on the southern bank of the Beas, the day before the battle, 
i.e. on Thursday, Zi-1-hijja 26th. In the Memoirs this date is wrongly 
given as Thursday, i6th. On the previous evening he had received 
news that Khusru was marching from Lahore with the intention of 
making a night attack on his vanguard. " Although," he says, " it 
rained heavily in the night, I beat the drums of march and mounted. 
By chance at this place [i.e. while he was at this place] and hour the 
vi&orious army encountered that ill-fated band." Khusru, he says, was 
captured on Sunday, Zi-1-hijja 24th. This is again clearly a mistake 
for Sunday, Zi-l-hijja 29th (April 26th). The news of his capture 
reached Lahore " on Monday, the last day of the month," that is on 
Zi-1-hijja 3Oth (April 27th), and he was brought before Jahangir 
" on Thursday, Muharram 3rd (April 3oth), in Mirza Kamran's 
garden." Jahangir tells us that he took up his abode in the garden 
" on the last day of Zi-1-hijja," and waited there for nine days " because 



the time was unpropitious." He entered Lahore " on Wednesday, 
Muharram 8th" /.*.,on the 5th May. (The dates are " old yle.") 

Thus in less than a month Khusru's rebellion was completely damped 
out. I do not think Jahangir has been given sufficient credit for the 
energy he displayed in this crisis. And a crisis it was ; for Khusru was 
popular with all classes of the people ; and had Jahangir allowed the 
grass to grow under his feet, the icbellion would soon have assumed 
formidable dimensions, and the positions of pursuer and pursued might 
easily have been reversed. From a military point of view his pursuit 
of Khusru was a notable performance ; and it speaks well for the or- 
ganisation of his troops that they were ready, at a moment's notice, to 
set out on what promised to be an arduous, if not a prolonged campaign. 
What force Jahangir took with him from Agra we do not know ; but 
it mu& have been a Strong one, since the vanguard alone was sufficient 
to overcome the rebel troops. Accompanied by this considerable army, 
Jahangir marched from Agra to the banks of the Beas, a distance of 
nearly 400 miles, in 17 days. On the morning of the 1 8th day, before 
they had had time to draw breath, his advanced troops met and defeated 
the rebels in a desperate and bloody encounter. Victory was followed 
by pursuit ; and within 24 hours most of Khusru's followers had been 
rounded up or slain. Effective measures for intercepting the flight of 
Khusru had been taken some days before the battle was fought (vide 
Memoirs, p. 66), and two days after his defeat the Prince was a prisoner. 

In point of actual speed Khusru's movements were much more 
astonishing than his father's. Nine days before the battle of Bhaira- 
wal, he invested Lahore. He muft, therefore, have arrived before that 
city on April i6th at the latest, having covered the distance from Agra, 
i.e. about 450 miles, in 12 days. It is true that he set out with only 
a few followers ; but Husain Beg, with his Badakshi contingent, met 
him at Muttra, and many others fell in by the way ; so that during the 
ktter part of his march he muft have had with him a force of several 
thousand men. In such circumstances the maintenance of an average 
speed of close on 40 miles a day was a performance that cannot often 
have been surpassed. Akbar once traversed 600 miles in 1 1 days ; but 
fresh horses awaited him at every ftage of his journey, and the few who 
accompanied him were mounted on swift camels (pide V. A. Smith's 
Akbar, p. 118). 

14 Khusru was captured whilst attempting to cross the Chenab by 
the ferry at Sodra, not far from the town of Gujrat. 

15 Xavier's letter makes this plainer. Some Armenian merchants 
had, we are told, ftored their goods in the Fathers' house ; and the 
Gentiles had determined to kill the Fathers during the confusion of the 
Prince's entry, and possess themselves of the merchandise : " Eftaufco 
em Lahor ent2o os P*" 5 Manoel Pinheiro e Fran Corsi que no tempo 
do cerco tinhao gozado da estreiteza do tempo no comer e prouisSo, 



e cada dia e&auo temendo a morte porque os gentos Ihes tinhao tao boa 
vontade que tinhao feito conselho de matalos como entrasse na cidade 
o principe para Ihes tomar o fato que tinhao visto recolher a nossa casa 
dos Armenios mercadores que eslauSo fora dos muros da cidade." 

16 The Statement that Abdur Rahim resumed his office a few days 
after his punishment is hardly consistent with what Jahangir wrote 
four years later in his Memoirs : " On the I4th Zi-1-hijja 1017 A.H. 
[March loth, 1610], having pardoned all the faults of Abdu-r-Rahim 
Khar, I promoted him to the rank of yuxbashi (Centurion) and 20 
horse, and ordered him to go to Kashmir &c." In a note on this passage 
Mr. Beveridge says, " On being released he became one of the personal 
servants, and served His Majesty till by degrees the latter became 
gracious to him (Note of Sayyid Ahmad)." Guerreiro's statement 
is, however, taken from Father Xavier's letter, where it is expressed 
even more definitely : " Aquella mesma tarde foi leuado a cidade e 
solto, e daly a poucas dias passeaua por elk, e tournou a seruir el Rey 
no mesmo officio que seruia e tinha seruido no tempo del Rey morto, 
e agora serue como se nunqa ouuera passado nada." 

17 Xavier describes the scene as follows : " Determinou el Rey 
entrar a 4 F 1 "* [quarto feira, i.e. Wednesday] seguinte na cidade e quis 
que Ihe armassem o caminho da horta ate a cidade de senten^eados a 
dextris e a siniftris, manda pois a espetar e enforcar alguns duzentos por 
ambas las partes do caminho, certe era hum horrendo espe&aculo via 
homem aly enforcado fulao Capitao, espetado fulao irmao de fulao, 
filho de fulao que quasi todos erao principois e conhecidos, vimos 
alguns muito parentes de muitos pruiados del Rey que a&ualmente 
o seruem, nao ha via respeitar a ninguem, nem ha via quern ousasse rogar 
por ninguem temendo que nao tiuessem a elle por da parte do Prin- 

18 At this time, says Father Xavier, the utmost terror prevailed in 
the city. Many were arrested, others were deprived of their goods, 
and others were put to death. None could trust even his own friends, 
and ill betided all who attempted to conceal the wealth of the King's 
victims. Of the property of the Captain who was put to death, more 
than a hundred thousand crusados were discovered ; and it is affirmed 
that the total amount seized from him and from others amounted to 
millions of crusados. Some endured personal suffering as well as loss 
of property ; others loss of property only, and in every case the punish- 
ment was very heavy. It is amazing, the Father adds, what vast 
quantities of money were discovered at this time ; and all for the King. 
The passage in the letter runs : " Neste tempo andauao todos cheos de 
medo,a huns prendiao, a outros confiscauao as fazendas, a outros matSLo, 
amigos de amigos n&o se fiauao quern sabia do fato dalguns destes senten- 
ceados cuitado se o nao descobria. Daquelle Capitao que dixe descobrio 
hum soo cento e tanto mil cruzados e delle e outros se affirma que ouue 



alguns contos de cruzados que huns erao caftigados na pesspa e na 
fazenda, outros som** na fazenda e todos com penas grauissimas he 
marauilha a quantidade do dinheiro que sa descobriu nestes tempos 
e tudo para el Rey." 

19 This was Guru Arjun, the fifth of the Sikh gurus, and the com- 
poser of the Granth Sahib. 

20 Guerreiro has blundered here, and his miftake is repeated by du 
Jarric. It was not a tiara which the guru placed on Khusru's head, but 
the tika, the mark made on the forehead of Hindus either as a sign of 
sovereignty or to bring success in some great undertaking. As Khusru 
was the son of a Hindu princess (his mother was the daughter of Raja 
Bhagwan Das of Jaipur), the guru considered him entitled to this 
distinction. Jahangir refers to the circumstance as follows (Memoirs, 
I, p. 72) : " He [the guru] behaved to Khusrao in certain special ways, 
and made on his forehead a finger-mark in saffron, which the Hindus 
call qashqa, and is considered propitious." As Mr. Beveridge points 
out in his note on this passage, qashqa is a Turkish word ; the word in 
use amongst Hindus is tika ; and this is the word which Xavier himself 
uses in his letter : " elle Ihe deo o parabem do nouo reynado e Ihe pos 

tiqa na tefta." 

21 For the Sikh account of Guru Arjun's death, which differs con- 
siderably from Guerreiro's, the reader is referred to Macauliffe's The 
Sikh Religion^ III, pp. 70-101. The Memoirs present us with another 
version of the ftory, which is probably the most reliable of the three. 
Jahangir had long been suspicious of Guru Arjun, who " in the gar- 
ments of sanctity " had captivated so many of his Hindu, and even of 
his Muhammadan subjects. Many times it had occurred to him " to 
put a stop to this vain affair " ; and as soon as he was informed of the 
meeting with Khusru, he caused the holy man to be arrefted. " When 
this came to my ears," he says, " and I clearly understood his folly, 

1 ordered them to produce him and handed over his houses, dwelling- 
places, and children to Murtaza Khan, and having confiscated his 
property commanded that he should be put to death." Xavier ftates 
that Jahangir afterwards sent for the brother of the Guru, and gave 
him a post in his service. 




1 In this chapter (from Part IV of the Relations, fols. I5ib-i55a), 
as well as in Chapter III (ibid., fols. I55a-i57b), Guerreiro is still 
following Father Xavier's letter of 25th September, 1606. 

2 This is a very inadequate description of the famous chain of 
justice, if we may trust Jahangir's own account of his contrivance. 
" After my accession," he says, " the first order I gave was for fastening 
up of the chain of justice, so that if those engaged in the administration 
of justice should delay or practise hypocrisy in the matter of those seek- 
ing justice, the oppressed might come to this chain and shake it so that 
its noise might attract attention. Its fashion was this : I ordered them 
to make a chain of pure gold, $ogaz in length and containing 60 bells. 
Its weight was 4 Indian maunds, equal to 42 Iraqi maunds. One end 
of it they made fast to the battlements of the Shah Burj of the fort at 
Agra and the other to a stone post fixed on the bank of the river " 
(Memoirs, I, p. 7). 

3 We learn from Xavier's letter that the Fathers were accused of 
making converts by force, and of kidnapping and selling little children : 
" Foi o negotio a el Rey e chamados nos e diante de nos dixerao de nos 
que faziamos X* 08 por forca, e que mandauamos meninos a terra de 
X" 08 a vender." A similar attempt on the part of the ' Gentiles ' 
to deprive the Fathers of their houses had been made shortly before 
the death of Akbar, and it was krgely through the intervention of 
Jahangir, then Prince Salim, that their designs were frustrated. (See 
Akbar and the Jesuits, pp. 197-100.) 

4 This account of the Armenian and his marriage is very different 
from that given by Father Xavier in his letter of the year 1599 (see 
Akbar and the Jesuits, p. 85). In that letter we are told that the 
Armenian did his utmost to force the Fathers, and to induce Akbar to 
force them to consent to his incestuous union, and that when they 
refused to countenance so great a sin, he basely deserted his faith, and 
became a follower of the Din Ilahi. 

The elder of the two children whose ordeal is described in this 
chapter eventually attained a position of some importance in the service 
of the State. In the fifteenth year of his reign (1600), Jahangir made 
him ifaujdar, and the circumstance is thus referred to in the royal 
diary: " Zu-1-Qarnain obtained leave to proceed tojthe faujdarship 
of Sambhar. He is the son of Iskandar (Sikandar), the Armenian, and 



his father had the good fortune to be in the service of Arshashyani 
(Akbar), who gave him in marriage the daughter of Abdu-1-Hayy, the 
Armenian, who was in service in the royal harem. By her he had two 
sons. One was Zu-1-Qarnain, who was intelligent and fond of work, 
and to him, during my reign, the chief di wans had entrusted the charge 
of the government salt works at Sambhar, a duty which he performed 
efficiently. He was now appointed to the fau jdarship of that region. 
He is an accomplished composer of Hindi songs " (Memoirs, II, p. 194). 

The father, Iskandar,' died in 1613 at Agra, whither he had gone 
shortly before Chriftmas, 1612. Father Xavier, in his annual letter 
dated 23rd September, 1613, says that * Iskandar* had contracted a 
lingering disease, and being unable to find a remedy, " had decided to 
come and live, or die, here in Agra where there are Fathers and a 
church." After his death, his body was taken to Lahore, " where is 
his sepulchre." The letter gives a detailed account of the Armenian's 
many charitable gifts, which included Rs. 3000 for the * Holy House ' 
at Jerusalem, and other large sums for the church and poor Christians 
at Agra. 

As Sir William Foster has pointed out (Early Travels in India, 
p. 267) Zu-1-Qarnain was in all probability the " noble and generous 
Christian of the Armenian race " who entertained and assisted Thomas 
Coryat during his sojourn at Ajmir in 1616. Detailed reference is 
made to him by Botelho, and he is mentioned by Manucci, Edward 
Terry, Peter Mundy, and other writers of the times. A full account 
of him and his family, written by the Rev. H. Hoften, can be read in 
the Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. v, pp. 115-191. 

5 Doubtless the district of Sambhar, to which his son was afterwards 

6 The Kalimak (lit. ' the word ') is the Muhammadan confession 
of faith, namely, la ilaha illulahu Muhammad-ur-rasul ullah, " There 
is no God except the one God, and Muhammad is the prophet sent 
by God." 

7 Muhammadans generally refer to Christ as Hazrat Isa, of Al- 
hazrat Is a. The Arabic word hazrat, meaning literally ' the presence ' 
isfmuch used as a tide of respect, and, when applied to an apostle or 
prophet, signifies the sacredness of his office. 



1 The words in the original are : " Acertando hum padre de passar 
por onde elle estaua, posto que o veo ver com seu pre-rogar que o nam 
fosse visitar, & disse a ontros, que se o padre la hia, auia de fingir que 
o nam conhecia." This sentence is manifestly corrupt, several words 
having been omitted. I have therefore followed the corresponding 
passage in Father Xavier's letter, which runs : " Acertando eu a pasar 
por onde elle estaua, postoque me veo a ver com seu presente todauia 
me mandou rogar nao no fosse visitar e dixe a outros Armenios que se 
la hia auia de fingir que me nao conhecia etc." Xavier, it will be 
noticed, was the Father in question. 

2 The conversion of this young Brahman is described in Part I 
(ch. viii) of the Relations. For du Jarric's version of the story, see 
Akbar and the Jesuits, p. 134. 

3 The word Cafre, or Kafir, was in common use amongst writers 
of the period to denote a negro who was neither a Christian nor a 
Muhammadan, nor a ' Gentile.' The word was also used by Muham- 
madans as a term of contempt for a Christian, or a Jew, or for anyone 
who was not of their own faith. There were many ' Kafirs ' in Goa, 
" blacke people," Linschoten calls them, " of the land of Mosambique, 
and all the coast of Ethiopia, and within the land to the Cape de Bona 
Speranza." Great numbers of them, the same writer adds, were 
brought to India from Mosambique, " and many times they sell a man 
or woman that is growne to their full strength, for two or three duckets. 
When the Portugals ships put in there, then they are dearer . . . and 
because the Portugals hive traffique in all places it is the cause why so 
many are brought out of all countries to be sold, for the Portugals doe 
make a living by buying and selling of them, as they doe with other 

9 6 


1 This chapter, belonging to Part IV of the Relations (fols. 1570- 
i6aa), is based on Father Xavier's letter to the Provincial at Goa, 
dated 8th August, 1607. 

2 Jahangir spates in his Memoirs that he set out for Kabul on the 25th 
of March, 1607 (7th Zi-1-hijja, 1015 A.H.). He returned to Lahore 
in December of the same year. 

3 In catholic countries the procession of the Blessed Sacrament on 
Corpus Christi Day (the Thursday after the festival of the Holy Trinity) 
is looked upon as the most joyful solemnity of the year. The proces- 
sion usually traverses the whole town in which it takes place, setting 
out from, and returning to the principal church. The entire route is 
ftrewn with flowers, and at intervals halting-places are arranged, with 
altars on which the * sandtissimum ' can be re&ed. A full account of 
the festival can be read in Adrian Fortescue's Ceremonies of the Roman 
Rite described, pp. 352-4. 

4 The Fathers seem to have taken a special pleasure in recounting 
any misfortunes which overtook those who were against them. Such 
misfortunes are invariably held up to us as manifestations of the divine 
wrath, and not infrequently, as in the present case, the ' punishment ' 
is considerably exaggerated. The person here referred to is Sharif 
Khan, on whom the King had, a short time previously, conferred the 
splendid title Amir-ul-umara, ' Lord of Lords/ He was one of 
Jahangir's oldest friends. " He had lived with me," we read in the 
Memoirs (I, 14), " from his early years. When I was prince I had 
given him the title of khan, and when I left Allahabad to wait on my 
honoured Father I presented him with a drum and the tuman-togh 
(ftandard of yak tails). I had also promoted him to the rank of 2,500 
and given him the government of the province of Bihar. I gave him 
complete control of the province, and sent him off there. On the 
4th of Rajab, being fifteen days after my accession, he waited on me. 
I was exceedingly pleased at his coming, for his connection with me is 
such that I look upon him as a brother, a son, a friend, and a com- 
panion. As I had perfect confidence in his friendship, intelligence, 
learning, and acquaintance with affairs, having made him Grand 
Vizier, I promoted him to the rank of 5,000 with 5,000 horse and the 
lofty title of Amiru-1-umara, to which no tide of my servants is superior." 
There is no evidence to show that Sharif Khan ever forfeited Jahangir's 
favour and regard, or that he lost his office through any other cause 

97 o 


than his illness, by which he was for a time completely incapacitated. 
In his Memoirs (p. 103), Jahangir says: "As I had handed over the 
administration of all civil affairs to the Amiru-1-umara, and his illness 
increased greatly, and forgetfulness came over his faculties to such an 
extent that what was settled in one hour he forgot in the next, and his 
forgetfulness was increasing day by day, on Wednesday, the 3rd Safar, 
I entrusted the duties of the viziership to Asaf Khan." That Jahangir 
heard of Sharif Khan's recovery with genuine sarisfadion is evident 
from his own words : " On the day when I mounted my elephant for 
the purpose of leaving Kabul, the news arrived of the recovery of the 
Amiru-1-amara and Shah Beg Khan. The news of the good health 
of these two chief servants of mine I took as an auspicious omen for 
myself" (ibid., p. 121) ; and again, " On the 6th Shaban, at the halting 
place of Chandalah, the Amiru-1-umara came and waited on me. I 
was greatly pleased at obtaining his society again, for all the physicians, 
Hindu and Mussalman, had made up their minds that he would die " 
(ibid., p. 130). In the following year (1609), Sharif Khan was made 
joint commander in the Deccan with Prince Parwiz ; but his sickness 
returned, and he died three years later. In recording his death, 
Jahangir laments the fad that he left no son on whom he could bellow 
his patronage. 

5 Father Xavier says that Jahangir was called 'Adel Pasiah,' i.e. 
adil padskah. The Arabic word adil, meaning * just,' ' upright,' is 
in common use amongst Indian Mussalmans. 

c This was Shaikh Farid, who commanded the force which defeated 
Khusru at the battle of Bhaironwal. In recognition of his services on 
this occasion he received the title Murtaza Khan. His delinquencies 
as governor of Gujarat are briefly referred to in the Memoirs as follows : 
" As it was again represented to me that oppression was being committed 
by the brethren and attendants of Murtaza Khan on the ryots and 
people of Ahmadabad in Gujarat, and that he was unable properly to 
restrain his relations and people about him, I transferred the Subah 
from him and gave it to Azam Khan." This took place towards the 
end of the year 1608. In 1610 he was given charge of the Pan jab. 
Jahangir gives the 2 1st of the Uahi month Mihr (about the 2nd O&ober) 
as the date of his appointment, on which day, he says, " I promoted 
Murtaza Khan to the subahdarship of the Pan jab, which is one of the 
largest charges in my dominions, and gave him a special shawl." His 
death, which took pkce in 1616, is recorded in the Memoirs as follows : 
" On the 3rd of this month (Khurdad) the news of the death of Murtaza 
Khan came. He was one of the ancients of this State. My revered 
father had brought him up and raised him to a position of confidence 
and trust. In my reign also he obtained the grace of noteworthy 
service, namely the overthrow of Khusrau. His mansab had been 
raised to 6,000 personal and 5,000 horse. ... I was much grieved 


in mind at this news : in truth, grief at the death of such a loyal fol- 
lower is only reasonable. As he had died after spending his days in 
loyalty, I prayed to God for pardon for him." 

7 We learn from the Memoirs (I, p. 79) that this was a letter which 
Aziz Koka had once written to Raja Ali Khan of Khandesh. It will be 
remembered that in 1 597 Raja Ali Khan was killed at the battle of 
Supa, while fighting on Akbar's side, and that, when he fell, his camp 
was plundered by the imperial troops. The letter was subsequently 
found in Burhanpur, amongst the Raja's efFefts, by Khwaja Abul 
Hasan, who was a&ing as Diwan to prince Daniyal, when the latter 
was sent to administer the conquered lands of the Deccan. Jahangir 
had no cause to love Aziz Koka, who had done his beft to secure the 
Mogul throne for Khusru, who was his son-in-law. When, therefore, 
Abul Hasan placed the letter in his hands, Jahangir gave way to un- 
controllable fury. " In reading it," he says, " the hair on my head 
ftood on end. But for the consideration and due recognition of the fa& 
that his mother had given her milk to my father, I could have killed 
him with my own hand. Having procured his attendance 1 gave the 
letter into his hands and told him to read it in a loud voice to those 
present. When he saw the letter I thought his body would have 
parted from his soul, but with shamelessness and impudence he read it 
as though he had not written it and was reading it by order. Those 
present in that paradise-like assembly of the servants of Akbar and 
Jahangir and heard the letter read, loosened the tongue of reproach 
and of curses and abuse." Jahangir himself upbraided the Khan in 
the most bitter terms, after which he says, " his lips closed, and he was 
unable to make any reply. What could he have said in the presence 
of such disgrace ? I gave an order to deprive him of his jagir. Al- 
though what this ingrate had done was unpardonable, yet in the end, 
from certain considerations, I passed it over." 

A few years kter, after holding various important offices, Aziz Koka 
again incurred the royal displeasure and was confined in the fortress 
of Gwalior. On this occasion he was pardoned at the instance of none 
other than Akbar himself, who appeared to Jahangir in a dream, and 
said : " Baba, forgive for my sake the fault of Aziz Khan, who is the 
Khan Azam." " Though he had been guilty of many offences," says 
Jahangir, " and in all that I had done I was right, yet when they 
brought him into my presence and my eye fell upon him, I perceived 
more shame in myself than in him. Having pardoned all his offences, 
I gave him the shawl I had round my waist." 

8 A /art, named from the diftrid of Lar, bordering on the Persian 
Gulf, was a coin much used in We&ern India. It was worth about a 
shilling. Yule (Ho&son-Jobson, p. 506) quotes the following from 
P. defia Valle : " The /art is a piece of money that I will exhibit in 
Italy, most eccentric in form, for it is nothing but a little rod of silver 



of A fixed weight, and bent double unequally. On the bend it is marked 
with some small stamp or other. ... In value every 5 lari are equal 
to a piastre or patacca of reals of Spain, or ' piece of eight ' as we 
choose to call it." The tofiao, or ' tester,' was worth about 6d ; so a 
lari (according to Guerreiro) was equal to 2 shillings. Fitch valued it 
at one-sixth of a ducat, Linschoten at ' halfe a gilderne,' and Whithing- 
ton at a shilling." 

Regarding the practice of selling children in India, see Akbar and 
the Jesuits, p. 244. 



1 This, and the remaining chapters, belong to Part V of the Re- 
lations (fols. 6a-22b). Guerreiro's authority for Chapters V to VIII 
was Father Xavier's letter to the Provincial at Goa, dated 24 September, 

2 These were the Fathers Jerome Xavier, Emanuel Pinheiro, 
Francis Corsi, and Anthony Machado. The first two came to ' Mogor * 
with the 3rd Mission in 1595. Corsi joined the mission in 1600, 
and Machado in 1602. The last named was sent to take the pkce of 
Benoist de Goes, who, in 1603, set out on his mission to Cathay. 

3 Jahangir gives the date of his entry into Lahore as the I3th of 
Shaban, equivalent to the ist or 2nd December. 

4 The Rev. H. Hosten translates these words " pi&ures of his 
[Akbar's] palaces" {Journal of the Punjab Historical Society, 1918, 
VII, p. 5). The word paco, 'a palace,' was frequently written 
' passo ' ; but it seems improbable that the Fathers would have illus- 
trated the lives of the Apostles with pictures of Akbar's palaces. The 
word here used I take to be the ordinary Portuguese word meaning 
' a step,' * a pace/ or, metaphorically, * going backwards and forwards,' 
* trouble,' * pains,' ' labour,' etc. In a subsequent passage (vide p. 64) 
Guerreiro, in describing the mural paintings at Agra, says that some of 
these consisted of scenes from the Acts of the Apostles, " taken from the 
Lives of the Apostles which the Fathers had given him." This seems 
to put the meaning offassos beyond question. 

Xavier wrote : " paraceo nos boa occasiao esta para ir la hum de 
nos que de pakura podesse enformar a V. R. do eftado desta MissSo 
que ate agora em tantos annos toda a enformaca'o foi por cartas." 

6 Xavier says that Jahangir was much pleased at their choice for ; 
he had a great affedtion for Father Pinheiro, whom he had known for 
many years. The Father's departure was deeply regretted by the 
Christians of Lahore, many of whom had been brought up by him. 
" Foi eleito o Padre Manoel Pinheiro, e dando Ihe conto disso folgou 
muito porque ha annos que o conhece e ama. Ja neste tempo estaua 
pera pardr o dito Capitao e assi foi necess aprezar o P a partida, el 
Rey o despacho cedo deo Ihe alguas pecas que leuasse aos P** e a nos 
alguas que mandassemos a alguns amigos. Muito sentirao os X tofi 
a partida do P* por ser elle em Lahor o mais conhecedo e que criaua 
os mais que aly estauao. De nos <jue diremos ? Mas como hia per 
nosso S or e para bem desta residencia nos consolauamos, foi despedido 
de todos com muito amor." 



7 Muqarrab Khan appears to have carried out his instructions in 
a highly efficient manner. His return to Agra is thus referred to by 
Jahangir: "On Friday, the 7th [i.e. 7th Maharram 1017 A.H.= 
2nd April, 1610] Muqarrab Khan came from the ports of Cambay and 
Surat, and had the honour of waiting on me. He had brought jewels 
and jewelled things, vessels of gold and silver made in Europe, and other 
beautiful and uncommon presents, male and female Abyssinian skves, 
Arab horses, and things of all kinds that came into his mind. Thus his 
presents were kid before me for two and a half months, and most of 
them were pleasing to me " (Memoirs, I, p. 167). 

8 In a subsequent passage (p. 77) Guerreiro gives the I3th Sep- 
tember as the date of the departure of the embassy to Goa, which is 
obviously incoirect. The month we know to have been December, 
for the embassy was dispatched after the King's return from Cabul, 
and before Christmas. The day of the month may have been the 
1 3th, but the 23rd would seem to be a more likely date. 

9 The missa dogallo is the mass celebrated at midnight on Christmas 
Day, at which time the cocks (gattos) are supposed to crow. 

10 The charamela was a double-reed instrument of the hautboy, 
or oboe type. Lacerda gives * bag-pipe ' as the equivalent ; but the 
resemblance must have been confined to the sound. 

11 In other words, with much beating of tom-toms. Tarn bur is 
the Arabic name for a kind of guitar ; but in India the word is applied 
to a drum. Tabal, another Arabic word, also denotes a drum, but 
a smaller instrument than the tambur. 

12 According to Father Xavier the King left Lahore on Sunday the 
7th January. " He asked us," says the Father, " whether we would 
prefer to accompany him, or to remain at Lahor. I said that I would 
not be separated from him on any account. He then asked what 
would happen to our church if we left it. I replied that there were 
three of us, and that if it pleased His Majesty, two of us would accom- 
pany him, whilst the other remained with the church and the Christians 
at Lahor. Accordingly he ordered us to be supplied with a horse for 
the journey, and four camels to carry our goods. The King set out 
first and we followed kter, that is, Father Corsi and myself, leaving 
Father Machado alone at Lahor. We left Lahor on the loth 
February, and arrived at Agra on the i8th March, leaving the King 
at a spot some five or six leagues from the city, where he awaited an 
auspicuous hour for his entry." 

** This must be regarded as the most authentic account we possess 
of the blinding of Prince Khusru ; for, though Father Xavier may 
not have been in Jahangir's camp at the time the punishment was 
infli&ed, he must have reached it a few days afterwards, and must 
have heard a great deal about it. He ates in his letter that the juice 
of the ' leiteira ' was applied to the victim's eyes. * Leiteira ' is the 



Portuguese name for plants of the spurge family (Euphorbiacc*\ 
nearly all varieties of which are to a greater or less degree poisonous. 
The Captain who was blinded at the same time, and who was, we are 
told, the chief of those who had instigated the King to persecute the 
two children of the Armenian Sikandar, succeeded in saving his sight 
by constantly bathing his eyes with some healing lotion. We are also 
told that after the blinding Khusru was taken about with a bandage 
over his eyes, from which Xavier inferred that he was not totally bereft 
of sight. As so many different versions of the ftory have come down to 
us, it is as well that Xavier's account, which Guerreiro has considerably 
abridged, should be quoted in full. It runs as follows : " No caminho 
passou hua cousa notauel e ha que como tinha el Key ainda preso com 
ferros a seu filho morgado Soltao Xhocero (que he o que nos chamamos 
Codraos ?) assi o truxa com ferros no caminho e muito bem recado, e 
quando chegou ao lugar onde pelejara o ditto Principe com a gente de seu 
pay em pena de tal desobediencia aly mesmo Ihe fez egar os olhos remol- 
hando Ihos com leite de leiteiras e o mesmo fez a hum mouro seu priuado 
de quern ja escriui o anno passado que fora consentidor dos que con jura- 
rao para matar el Rey e o fez trazer de Cabul a Lahor em ferros sobre 
hum burro ou muleta bem mal concertado e o teue preso em Lahor, 
e neste mesmo lugar fez egar da mesma maneira, mas elle lauandose 
muito os olhos com certas cousas diuertio a pe^onha da quella leite hum 
pouco e fiqou com algua vista e agora o mandou preso a fortaleza que 
chamao de Goalier [Gwalior] a onde uao os grauamente culpados, este 
he o principal que mouia a el Rey a fazer mouros os filhos de Alexandre 
Armenio bem paga seu peccado, e elles estao muito firmes en seu ley. 
Assi que digo que ao Sultao em aquella lugar o mandou $egar. Alguns 
affirmao estar de tudo ?ego, outros que nao, o certe he que ainda depois 
que dizem que o cegou sempre vinha no caminho sobre hum elefante 
em hua charola coberta por todas as partes e com muito gente de caualo 
de hua parte e outra, e o que mais he que tern bandados os olhos, e no 
noo da banda esta posta chapa del Rey por sua mao, destas cousas colli- 
gem nao estar de todo ?ego. Nullo modo se falla della diante del Rey 
nem na terra como se nSo ouvesse tal homem." 

14 This was in 1602, when Prince Salim, after his reconciliation 
with Akbar, took up his abode in Agra. Seeing that there was no 
pkce at Agra where the Padres could hold their services, he obtained 
Akbar's permission for the building of a church, and gave a thousand 
crowns towards the cost of its construction (see Akbar and the Jesuits, 
p. 191). 

Father Xavier says that on reaching Agra they went to take posses- 
sion of the house which Jahangir, thinking the owner to be dead, had 
given them. On their arrival, however, they found that the owner 
had reappeared, and had renovated the houses, which were now 
occupied by the members of his family. So they had to take up their 



abode in a pkce near by, which had been intended for their servants. 
They commenced to put their church in order ; but they were able to 
use only the chapel, as the body of it extended to the aforesaid houses. 
They made what shift they could with the chapel ; but as it did not 
afford sufficient accommodation for all the Chri&ians, they determined 
if the King remained in Agra, to ask him to pass an order that the 
houses were to be sold to them* 



1 The name of Jahangir's reader was Ghiyas-ud-din All ; but he 
was generally known by his title, Naqib Khan. He was the son of 
Abdul Latif who had been tutor to Akbar. He was one of those who 
received promotion on Jahangir's accession. We read in the Memoirs 
(I, p. 28), " I promoted Naqib Khan, who is one of the genuine Sayyids 
of Qazwin, to the rank of 1,500. My father had distinguished him 
with the title of Naqib Khan, and in his service he had complete inti- 
macy and consideration. He has no equal or rival in the science of 
hiftory and in biographies. There is in this day no chronologisl like 
him in the inhabited world. From the beginning of Creation till the 
present time, he has by heart the tale of the four quarters of the world. 
Has Allah granted to any other person such faculty of memory ?" 
Naqib Khan died in 1614. 

2 This appears to be an ekborate variation of the tradition that 
when the unbelievers demanded a sign of the Prophet, the moon was 
cleft in two. The ist verse of the fifty- fourth Sura of the Quran is 
supposed by some to refer to this miracle : " The hour of judgment 
approacheth ; and the moon hath been split in sunder : but if the 
unbelievers see a sign, they turn aside, saying, This is a powerful charm." 
Others regard this verse as prophetic, and maintain that the words 
rendered "hath been split" adually signify "will be split"; the 
cleaving of the moon being one of the signs which are to precede the 
day of judgment. 



1 To this, says Xavier, the Father replied, " God preserve your 
Majesty ! I could not have a better advocate." 

3 * Bhang/ said to be derived from the Sanskrit bhanga (see Hobson- 
Jobson, p. 59), is the name given to the seeds and dried leaves of the 
Indian hemp, which when eaten or smoked, produce intoxication. 

3 In Part II of his Relations Guerreiro relates that Jahangir, before 
he ascended the throne, once asked a number of his Captains to whom 
they would appeal for help in time of danger ; and when some answered 
in one way and some in another, he said, " As for myself, I should call 
on none other but the Lord Jesus " (see also Akbar and the Jesuits, 

P- 187). 

4 Guerreiro would have done better had he kept to his * copy.* 
Father Xavier wrote " que nao queriao a lesus X to ," i.e. " who do not 
love Jesus Chrift." 



1 Abridgment has here resulted in confusion. Guerreiro's sentence 
is incomplete ; and he leads us to suppose that the words " in the middle 
of the ceiling " refer to the verandah where the King showed himself 
to his people ; whereas Father Xavier's letter makes it plain that these 
words refer to another apartment, where he used to sit prior to appear- 
ing in the outer verandah. The passage in the letter runs : " Quando 
elle veo de Lahor achou o pac.o muito bem concertado e pintado com 
varias pinturas que ja erao feitas, e estauao para se fazer assi dentro 
como fora em hua varanda onde se assenta cada dia adpopulum, no meio 
della esta soo assentado, nas duas bandas os seus filhos, e despois delles 
alguns criados de seruic.o, que todos os capitoes e grandes estSo em 
baixo, e quando chama algun em cima, vai e logo se dece. Da banda 
de dentro onde sae de noite, e se assenta antes quando quera sair a esta 
janela ou varanda de fora, tern hua varanda larga, no alto do foro della, 
etc." Or in English : " When he came to Lahor he found his palace 
very beautifully decorated, and adorned with many paintings which 
had already been completed, and others which were yet to be com- 
pleted both on the inside and the outside of the verandah where he sits 
to be seen of the people. In this verandah he only is seated. His 
sons ftand on either side of him, and behind them some of his personal 
attendants. The Captains and nobles stand below; and if one of them 
is ordered to go up, he goes and descends quickly. Within, and to 
one side, where he goes at night and where he sits before he wishes to 
appear in the outer verandah, he has [another] large verandah, on the 
ceiling of which, etc." 

2 As Xavier's own description of the balcony, or janela de fora, con- 
tains some additional details, it is as well that the reader should have it 
in full : " Da janela de fora que direi ? Nas elhargas do lugar onde el 
Rey se assenta quando sae ad pofulum e&auao pintados muito bem 
alguns dos priuados del Rey ao natural, poucas dias depois todos os 
mandou borrar e mandou pintar em lugar delles huns soldados Portu- 
gueses muito bizaros armados grandes de e&atura de homem de maneira 
que se vem por todo o terreiro, est2o tres de cada parte, e em cima 
delles a banda da mao dereita esta pintado X to N. S or com o globo do 
mundo na mSo esquerda, e da outra banda N a S ra muito bem pintada, 
mas despois que vio hua S ra de S. Lucas que temos na nossa igreja 
fez borrar aquella e pintar esta ; as ilhargas de X to N. S* e N. S 
e&ao huns S tos como em ora?ao. Na charola da varanda como janela 



onde elle se assenta as ilhargas na mesma parede esta"o pintados seus 
dos filhos muito ricamente ao natural, em cima de hum delles esta 
X to N. S or em figura piquena e aly junto hum P rc com hum livro na 
mSo, e sobre o outro N. S ra ; no mesmo vao da charola estao S. Paolo 
S. Gregorio S. Ambrosio, estes por serem piquenas e dentro da charola 
pouqo se vem dos que estao em baixo, mas as outras de todos se podem 
ver." The figures of Christ and the Virgin here mentioned appear to 
be the same that are referred to by William Finch in his description of 
a ' small court ' near the King's durbar, " Where aloft in a gallery the 
King sits in his chair of ftate, accompanied with his children and chiefe 
Vizier (who goeth up by a short ladder forth of the court), no other 
without calling daring to goe up to him, save only two punkaws to 
gather wind ; and right before him below on a scaffold is a third, who 
with a horse taile makes havocke of poore flies. On the right hand of 
the King, on the wall behind him, is the picture of our Saviour ; and 
on the left, of the Virgin " (Footer's Early Travels in India, p. 182). 
This reference of Finche's to the pictures of Christ and the Virgin 
appears to have been overlooked by the Rev. H. H often, who in his 
account of Guerreiro's fifth Relation {Journal of the Punjab Historical 
Society^ Vol. VII), remarks on the complete absence of allusion to the 
mural paintings at Agra by the various European travellers who visited 
the city in 1609 and the following years of Jahangir's reign. 

3 In Xavier's letter the passage runs : " E o que mais he, a imagem 
de X to N. S or a colunna fez tirar de hum registro pequeno em hum 
painel grande com suas coras muito bem por q fosse por mostra por 
fazer hum pano de seda fezido com aquellas figuras como pano de ras, 
e o letreiro deste papel mandou fazer em Parsio por tecer no pano 
como mesmo feitio." 

* Xavier says they were to Wretch it on a wooden frame : " pola 
em hum quadro de pao eftirada." The picture was evidently worked 
on silk, and appears to be the same that is referred to on p. 77, infra. 
It was probably this picture which Jahangir mentions in his Memoirs 
(I, p. 44). He says that on the i6th Safer, 1007 (ist June, 1608) : 
" Muqarrab Khan sent from the port of Cambay a European curtain 
(tapeftry), the like of which in beauty no other work of the Frank 
painters had ever been seen." 

5 Count Von Noer, who appears to have seen fragments of Guer- 
reiro's work, wrongly attributes this method of sealing letters to Akbar 
(see his Kaiser Akbar, ch. v, and also my Akbar and the Jesuits, 
p. xxxiv). 

6 The Casa da Santa Misericordia, the Holy House of Mercy, was 
established in Goa soon after the conquest of the city by Albuquerque. 
It was maintained by a pious association of kymen who administered 
various charitable institutions in Goa. 

7 See note 8, p. 99. 



8 The reference appears to be to the black image of the Virgin, 
standing in the Benedictine Abbey on the slopes of Monserrat in Barce- 
lona, which attracts many pilgrims. 

9 The capa de asperges is the cope, or pluvial, worn by the priest 
when performing the asperges, that is, the rite of sprinkling the con- 
gregation with holy water before the celebration of mass. 



1 This chapter appears to be based on a letter, or letters, written by 
Father Pinheiro immediately after his return to Goa at the end of 
November, 1609. That Guerreiro possessed no information of a 
later date is proved by the incorrect statements he makes regarding 
Hawkins and the survivors from the Ascension (see note 20, infra). 
Moreover, letters written at a later date could hardly have come into 
his hands in time to be included in his book, which was completed 
before the end of the year 1610. 

2 This was in 1606, for Father Xavier refers to the circumstance in 
his letter of that year. It was, he tells us, just after his persecution of 
the two children of Sikandar the Armenian, that Jahangir declared his 
intention to send an ambassador, accompanied by a Padre, to the 
King of Portugal. He selected as his representative a Moor who was 
distinguished as a man of letters, and who had the post of Chronicler 
(nomeou o embaxador que he hum muito bom letrado dos Mouros, 
e seu cronista, e nao mal feito aos Portugeses). He told Xavier that he 
was to accompany the ambassador ; but Father Pinheiro submitted that 
Xavier was too old to support the fatigues of the journey, and asked 
that he might be sent in his stead, to which the King readily agreed 
(dixe que ficasse eu e yria o P e ). A few days later he asked Xavier to 
give him in writing a list of articles, unobtainable in Portugal, which 
he could send as presents. " I sent it to him," says the Father, 
" written in Persian, and he ordered the articles to be collected." 
But after all, Jahangir's plan, like the simikr plan formed by his father 
(see Akbar and the Jesuits, pp. 114, 259-260), came to nothing. It 
may be doubted whether either Akbar or Jahangir ever seriously con- 
templated sending an embassy to Europe. Very possibly the pro- 
posal was in each case nothing more than a piece of bluff, designed to 
impress the Portuguese authorities. 

3 His real name was Shaikh Hasan. Jahangir thus refers to him in 
his Memoirs (I, p. 1 3) : " From the days of his childhood to this day he 
has always been in my service and in attendance on me, and when I was 
Prince was distinguished by the title of Muqarrab Khan. He was 
very a&ive and alert in my service, and in hunting would often travel 
long distances by my side. He is skilful with the arrow and the gun, 
and in surgery he is the most skilful of his time." In a kter passage 
Jahangir tells how Muqarrab Khan once bled him. The disease of 
Khun-para, he says, had affected his health. " By the advice of the 



physicians, I drew about a sir of blood from my left arm. As a great 
lightness resulted, it occurred to me that if they were to call blood-letting 
' lightening ' it would be well. Nowadays this expression is made use 
of. To Muqarrab Khan, who had bled me, I gave a jewelled khapwa 
(dagger)." In 1616 Muqarrab was made Governor of Gujarat, 
and a Captain of 5,000. Subsequently he became Governor of Agra. 
He remained in the public service throughout the life-time of Jahangir, 
and was pensioned off soon after the accession of Shah Jahan. He was 
ninety years of age when he died. Whatever his faults, and from all 
accounts they were plentiful enough, he seems to have played his cards 
skilfully, and to have served Jahangir well. 

4 See note 8, p. 102. 

5 The Count de Feyra died on his way to India. He set out, Faria 
y Sousa tells us, " on the 29th of March, 1609, and died on the igth 
May. His body was sent back, and brought to Lisbon the 24th 
July" (Asia Portugucsa, tr. Stevens, III, p. 153). 

Since the death of Dom Affonso de Castro in 1606, the adminiftra- 
tion of the Portuguese settlements had been in the hands of Dom 
Alexius de Menezes, Archbishop of Goa, who continued to hold office 
till the 28th of May, 1609, when he was succeeded by Andrea Furtado 
de Mendoca, who had formerly been Governor of Malacca. Mendoca 
was Governor (neither he nor the Archbishop assumed the title of 
Viceroy) for a little over three months, and was succeeded on Septem- 
ber 5th by Ruy Loreno de Tavora, who arrived from Portugal on that 

6 See note 4, p. 108. 

7 William Hawkins, the Englishman referred to, sailed from London 
in March, 1607, and reached Surat on the 24th August, 1608. He 
set out for Agra on the 1 5th February, 1608, and reached that city on 
the 1 6th of April. 

8 It is difficult to understand why the King's letter was written 
in Spanish. But this was evidently the case ; for Hawkins says that 
when he presented the letter, Jahangir " called for an old Jesuite 
[doubtless Father Xavier] that was there present to reade it." And 
he adds that the Jesuit " told him [the King] the effeft of the letter, 
but discommending its stile, saying that it was basely penned, writing 
Veftra without Majeftad. My answere was unto the King : And if it 
shall please your Majestic, these people are our enemies : how can this 
letter be ill written, when my King demandeth favour of your Majestic ? 
He said it was true." 

9 This agrees with Hawkins's own atement. The King, he says, 
promised " he would allow me by the yeare three thousand and two 
hundred pounds Sterling for my first, and so yearly hee promised mee 
to augment my living till I came to a thousand horse. So my first 
should be four hundred horse." The value of the rupee in Jahangir' 



reign was constantly fluctuating. Roe gave it as 2s. zd. Its average 
value was about 2s. 3d. 

10 This is borne out by Jourdain, who says that Hawkins, in his 
house, " used altogether the custome of the Moores and Mahometans, 
both in his meate and drinke and other cu&omes, and would seem to 
be discontent if all men did not the like." 

11 These were his ' boy,' Stephen Gravener, who died in Agra, and 
his 'man,' Nicholas Ufflet, who returned to England with him. 
Ufflet appears to have been a person of some education, and is said to 
have written an account of the city of Agra. See Foster's Early Travels 
in India, pp. 84 and 185. 

12 Hawkins does not say that he asked the Jesuits to perform the 
ceremony, though it is very likely that he did so. His own account 
is as follows : " I tooke her and, for want of a minifter, before Christian 
witnesses I marryed her. The priest was my man Nicholas Ufflet, 
which I thought had been lawfull, till I met with a preacher that came 
with Sir Henry Middleton and hee, shewing me the error, I was new 
marryed againe." 

13 These were the Ascension and the Union, which left England in 
March, 1608, under the command of Alexander Sharpeigh. Others 
on board the former ship were John Jourdain, William Rivett, and 
Robert Covert. A full account of the voyage can be read in Jourdain's 
Journal. The ships reached the bay of Saldanha, or Table Bay, in 
July, and remained there until the following September, " our time," 
says Jourdain, " being long at Saldamia by reason of setting upp our 
pinnace." Off the Cape of Good Hope a violent ftorm was encoun- 
tered, and the ships became separated. The Ascension reached Aden 
in April, 1600,, where a week or two later she was joined by the pinnace. 
The difficulties encountered at Aden, and kter at Mocha, are much 
exaggerated in the text account (see The Journal of John Jourdain, 
Hakluyt Society, 1905, pp. 127 et sey.). The Ascension arrived in 
Indian waters at the end of the month of August, and was wrecked off 
Surat on the 4th September. Sixty-two persons found their way to 
land, taking with them about 3,000 out of the 15,000 which the 
ship carried. 

14 Medafaual, or as it is spelt on Levanha's map of Gujarat, Madre- 
fauat, was a small port on the western shore of the Gulf of Cambay, 
to the north of Diu. Danvers identifies it with Mahava (Portuguese 
in India, II, p. 533). Danu, now spelt Dahanu, is on the opposite 
side of the gulf, near to, and south of Daman. Barbosa calls this pkce 
Dinvy. It was, he says, inhabited " by both Moors and Heathens, 
and had a great trade in goods of many kinds." 

16 This is a miake on Guerreiro's part, another example, probably, 
of careless abridgment. Furtado de Mendo^a became Governor of 
Goa on the 28th May, and laid down his office on the 5th September. 



The Ascension was wrecked on the 4th September ; so that the news of 
this circumstance, and of the reception of the English at Surat, could 
not have reached Goa whilst he was Governor. The most that he 
could have known of the English ships at the commencement of his 
term of office was that they had arrived at Aden, with the intention of 
proceeding to India. Mendoca must, however, have known all about 
Hawkins's journey to Agra and of the favours granted to him by 
Jahangir, even before he became Governor. He was a man of very 
prompt action, and we shall probably be right if we assign his order 
placing Cambay out of bounds, and his refusal to receive the Mogul's 
ambassador, to the early part of the month of June. Seeing the effect 
of his virtual declaration of war, Mendoca lost no time in dispatching 
an emissary to Cambay to make a final bid for peace. The subsequent 
course of events, and such dates as we possess, indicate that Father 
Pinheiro, the emissary chosen, set out from Goa about the end of 
July (at which time he would be likely to encounter the full force of 
the S.W. monsoon). As he was obliged to travel most of the way to 
Cambay by land, his journey, which by sea would have been a matter 
of four or five days, must have taken as many weeks. We do not know 
the date of his arrival at Cambay ; but we know that the report of his 
negotiations with Muqarrab Khan was not received at Goa until after 
Lorenzo de Tavora had assumed the office of Viceroy, that is, until 
after the 5th September. We may assume, therefore, that Pinheiro's 
meeting with Muqarrab Khan took place towards the end of August. 
The result of their conference must have been communicated to the 
Viceroy and to Jahangir with as little delay as possible. With his 
report Muqarrab doubtless forwarded to Jahangir the Viceroy's letter, 
and at the same time sent his order to the Captain of Surat that the 
newly arrived English were no longer to receive shelter. The Viceroy's 
acknowledgment of the report, together with his invitation to Muqar- 
rab Khan to visit Goa, must have reached Cambay before the end 
of September ; for we know that, on the jth O&ober, Father Pinheiro, 
who had taken Muqarrab Khan's place as ambassador, had already 
arrived at Surat on his way to Goa (see note 2 1 , p. 1 1 5). The Father 
reached the ktter place on the 25th November, so that he must have 
made this journey also by knd. 

Although Muqarrab Khan was recalled in September, he does not 
appear to have left for Agra till the following January ; for Jourdain 
says that in that month one of the merchants who came on the Ascension 
met him in Cambay. Jahangir says that he reached his court on the 
2nd April (see note 7, p. 102). 

16 This is evidently a mi&ake. If the place where Pinheiro took shelter 
was only 23 leagues from Goa, it cannot have beenTarapur. TheTarapur 
creek is more than two hundred miles from Goa; and had Pinheiro begun 
his land journey here, he would not have passed through Danda. 

113 H 


17 Danda, or Danda Rajpuri, is a part of the Janjira State which 
has for centuries been in the possession of an Abyssinian family. The 
Chief is still known as the Siddi of Janjira. In spite of the repeated 
efforts of the Moguls, and afterwards of the Marathas, to expel the 
Siddis and gain possession of Danda Rajpuri, the little slate contrived 
to preserve its exigence until it came under British prote&ion. 

* 8 According to Hawkins, Muqarrab Khan had been heavily bribed 
by the Portuguese Viceroy, who had sent him a great present, together 
with " many toys " for the King. " These presents," he says, " and 
many more promises wrought so much with Mocrebchan that he 
writeth his petition unto the King, sending it together with the present, 
advertising the King that the suffring of the English in his land would 
be the cause of the losse of his owne countries neere the sea-coasts, as 
Suratt, Cambaya, and such like, and that in any case he entertaine me 
not, for that his ancient friends the Portugalls murmured highly at it, 
and that the fame is spread abroad amongst the Portugalls that I was 
generall of ten thousand horsemen, readie to give the assault upon Diu 
when our shipping came. The Vice-royes letter was likewise in this 
kind. The Kings answere was that he had but one Englishman in 
his court, and him they needed not to feare, for hee hath not pretended 
any such matter, for I would have given him living neere the sea parts 
but he refused it, taking it neere me heere " (Foster's Early Travels 
in India, p. 84). 

19 This is pure fiction. Hawkins remained for another two years 
at the Mogul court, and even then Jahangir was unwilling that he should 
depart. He left Agra on the i ith of November, 161 1. At the end 
of December he arrived at Cambay, where he joined Sir Harry Middle- 
ton's fleet, and sailed from India in February, 1612. 

20 This also is fiction. An account of the journey of these men 
from Surat to Agra is given by Jourdain, and also by Robert Covert, 
who was himself one of the company ; but neither says anything about 
an attack by armed brigands. The march commenced on the 2ist of 
September, under the leadership of William Rivett, a merchant who 
came on the Ascension. The men were a most disorderly lot, and no 
sort of discipline was maintained. Rivett died of sickness on the way, 
and there were numerous other casualties. Nevertheless, the bulk of 
the party reached Agra safely on or about the 8th December. 

The ilory in the text, and the previous statement about Hawkins, 
are not difficult to account for. Guerreiro, as I have already Stated, is 
here using a letter written immediately after Father Pinheiro's return 
to Goa, probably by the Father himself. At this time all kinds of 
rumours are likely to have been in circulation regarding the fate of 
Hawkins and the crew of the Ascension. These would find ready 
credence at Goa, and Pinheiro, without waiting to verify his informa- 
tion, at once passed them on to Portugal. I have been unable to 



discover any copy, or other reference, to this letter, but it mu have 
been written before the end of the year ; for by that time it would have 
been known at Goa that Hawkins was ill at the Mogul court. 

21 This is corroborated by the narrative of Thomas Jones, who 
came to India on the Ascension, and was one of those whom Father 
Pinheiro conducted to Goa. His reference to his journey with the 
Father, in which he gives us a very useful date, is as follows : " Whilst 
I was in many determinations, it pleased God of his Goodness to send 
a Father of the Order of Saint Paul being a Portugal, who came from 
Cambaya to Surat by land, with whom I came acquainted, he promising 
me, that if I would commit my selfe into his hands, hee would send mee 
home into my country, or at leastwise into Portugal, which promise he 
did accomplish most faithfully. In company of this Father, my selfe 
and three more of our company, departed from Surat the seventh day 
of Oaober" (Purchas, his Pilgrimes, Vol. I, p. 231). Similarly 
Jourdain, in reference to those who went to Goa, says, " I had letters 
from them of there kind usage by the Jesuits which carried them 
theather " (Journal, p. 136). 




N.B. This chapter is taken from the Hiftoire of Father P. du Jarric 
(Part II, pp. 494-498). Guerreiro's narrative commences with the 
next chapter. 

ONE day, before the King [Akbar] left the city of Lahor 
to go to Agra, 1 the Father Hierosme Xauier was with 
the Prince, his eldest son, when there came to the 
palace a rich merchant, about sixty years of age, and 
of the Muhammadan seft, who having done reverence 
to the Prince, and being asked whence he had come, 
replied that he was juft returned from the kingdom of 
Xetay [Khitai], 2 which is the same, according to 
Father Xauier, as that which is called Catay, of which 
Marc Paul the Venetian makes mention in his account 
of his travels, and Ayton the Armenian 3 in his hiftory. 
It is also mentioned by certain of our modern authors, 
who place it in Tartarie, or thereabouts. 

In reply to the Prince's enquiries about this kingdom, 
and how long he had resided there, the merchant said 
that he had been there for thirteen years, living in the 
capital city, which he called Xambalu, being the same 
that is called Cambalu by the writers above referred to, 
some of whom say that it is twenty-four, and others 
as much as thirty-two miles in circuit. It is also, the 
Merchant said, the usual residence of the King, whom 
he had seen many times, and who, according to his 
account, is a very mighty monarch; for he has in his 



kingdom as many as fifteen hundred towns, and all 
very populous. He said that no one ever addressed 
the King except in writing, submitting a memorial 
of whatever it was desired to communicate to, or ask 
of him, to which he responded through the medium 
of one of his eunuchs, who are his courtiers. Being 
asked how he had been able to enter the country, he 
replied that he had gone there in the character of an 
ambassador of the King of Caygarem [Kashgar], but 
that, notwithstanding this, he was detained by the 
governor of the firSt frontier town to which he came, 
until the king had been informed of his arrival. This 
was not done until the seals of the letters which he 
carried had been examined, when a message was sent 
to the King by a courier, who returned within a month 
bringing permission for him to proceed to court. 4 
The journey, he said, was easily accomplished, though 
the distance was very great; for they changed horses 
at each poSt, as in Europe, and were thus able to cover 
each day ninety or a hundred cos, which would repre- 
sent as many Italian miles, or from twenty-five to thirty 
of our ordinary leagues. Throughout the journey they 
were free from molestation, for juStice is very Stridtly 
administered in those parts, and robbers are never 

Questioned further as to the appearance and manners 
of the inhabitants of the country, he said that he had 
never seen handsomer people, preferring them to the 
Rumes, that is to say to the Europeans (for thus the 
people of the EaSt designate the European Turks of 
Constantinople and Greece, because of the Romans 



who once ruled over the whole world, and particularly 
over Europe), that the men usually wore long beards, 
and that all of them, both men and women, were of a 
white complexion. As to their religion, he said that 
they were for the moSt part Isauites, or lesauites, 
meaning Christians, who are so called by these people 
from the name Jesus, juSt as we say Jesuites, or juSt as, 
at the commencement of the Church, men were called 
Christians from the name ChriSt. Asked if all the 
people were Christians, he replied that this was by no 
means the case; for many of them were Mussauites, 
that is to say, Jews (the people of this nation being so 
named because Mussau, in the language of these 
people, means Moses). There were also, he added, 
others who were Muhammadans. " And their King," 
asked the Prince, " is he a Muhammadan ?" " Not 
yet," answered the merchant, " but it is hoped that he 
will become one soon." 

At this point the conversation was interrupted ; but to 
please the Father, who had been much interested in 
hearing about these things, the Prince told the mer- 
chant that he muSt come again and tell him more about 
this kingdom, and he fixed a day for the interview. 
But the Father, being anxious to enquire more par- 
ticularly about the religion of the people of Catay, 
went before the day appointed to see the merchant in 
his lodging, who again said that the people were for the 
most part lesauites, adding that he had been intimately 
acquainted with many of them. He told the Father 
that they had many churches, some of them very 
large, in which were to be seen pictures both printed 



and coloured. AmongSt these he had seen one of the 
crucifix, to which the people paid great reverence. 
Belonging to each church there was a priest much 
respedted by his parishioners, from whom he received 
many presents. Father Xauier then asked if they had 
any bishops. The merchant did not clearly under- 
hand this question ; but after it had been explained to 
him, he said that there was certainly one of the prieSts 
who was the superior of the others. Continence and 
chaStity were stridtly pradtised by the prieSts ; and there 
were schools in which children who were to be ad- 
vanced to the priesthood were taught. All such 
children were maintained and fed by the King, who 
also built the churches and kept them in repair. 

The merchant said that the Fathers (meaning the 
prieSts) wear black robes, and a bonnet on the head 
"very like yours, but a little larger." When they 
salute anyone, they do not remove their bonnets, but 
join their hands in front of them, and raise them, with 
the fingers interlaced, to their heads. They also wear 
cloaks, and on feaSt-days clothe themselves in red. 
As to those Chriftians who are not prieSts, they, too, 
for the moSt part dress in black, exchanging it for red 
on feaSt-days. He had often seen the King go to 
church, for he was a Christian. AmongSt the Christians 
there are many, both men and women, who withdraw 
altogether from the world, and take up their abode in 
secluded houses where they lead solitary and auStere 
lives, and never marry; while there are others who 
pra&ise the same austerities in their own homes. 

The merchant said that the people of Catay were> 



as a general rule, well off, and that the country con- 
tained many silver mines which were a source of great 
wealth. The King maintained an establishment of 
four hundred elephants trained for war. These were 
brought to him from Malaca. Merchants also came 
there to trade from Pegu, which was distant a six 
months' journey. 

All the above has been taken from a letter written 
by Father Xauier from the city of Lahor on the 26th 
July, 1598, to the Father Provincial of India. After 
reaching Agra, whither he followed the King, the 
Father obtained information from others who had been 
to this same country, and finding that their reports con- 
firmed the information he had received from the mer- 
chant, he wrote further on the subjedt to the Father 
Provincial, in a letter dated the iSt August, 1599. 
In this he said that Catay could be reached by travelling 
through Bengala and the kingdom of Garagate [Ghora- 
ghat], 5 where the empire of the Great Mogul terminates ; 
but that the easiest route, and the one usually followed 
by merchants, was that which commenced at Lahor, 
and led through Caximir and Rebat [Tibet], whose 
King was on very good terms with the Great Mogul, 
Straight to Caygarem [Kashgar], whence it was but a 
short distance to the firSt town of Catay, which the 
merchants say is inhabited by Christians. 

In these letters the Father refers to a conversation 
he had had with the King, to whom he said: " Sire, 
our Superior has been told how in the kingdom of 
Catay, there are many who profess the Christian faith, 
of whom no sure tidings have been received in Europe 



for more than three hundred years, partly because they 
are so far separated from other Christians, and partly 
because of the wars that have taken place in the 
countries through which it is necessary to pass in order 
to reach them. It is now the desire of our Superior 
to send three or four Fathers 6 to see in what Slate these 
ChriSlians are, and aid them to attain salvation; for it is 
our mission in life to travel the world, taking no account 
of dangers, in order to show men the way to eternal 
life." The King said in his own language, "Rahat 
met xoda " [Rahmat-i-Khuda\, that is, " God's blessing 
be upon you!" and added other words in praise of the 
Company. Father Xauier then said that the Father 
Provincial, knowing that there was no good road to 
Catay except by passing through his territories, desired 
to know if His MajeSly was agreeable to his sending 
some Fathers to Lahor, that they might journey thence 
under his protection. In reply the King said they 
would be welcome, and that he would send an am- 
bassador with them, with whom they could travel in 
safety. "This," wrote the same Father, " will be a great 
advantage, since all that lies between Cambaya and 
Lahor belongs to the Great Mogul, and from there 
one enters the kingdom of Bradaxa [Badakshan], 
the ruler of which is a vassal of the Great Mogul, and 
three of his children have been brought up at Lahor. 7 
Moreover, when the Fathers who firSt came to Lahor 
were teaching Portuguese to the sons of the chiefs, 
lords and captains of the court, these three lads were 
amongSl their pupils. He who now rules at Bradaxa 
is their brother german, so that with his assistance, 



and with the letters of the Great Mogul, it should be 
possible to reach Catay easily and safely." 

This is what was written by Father Xauier from the 
court of the Great Mogul in the year 1599. Brother 
Benoift de Gois has since been sent to discover this 
land of Catay; but as he has not yet arrived there, at 
any rate so far as we know, we cannot with certainty 
say anything further concerning it. There are, how- 
ever, many who believe that Catay is no other than the 
kingdom of China. 




CATAYO, of which mention is made in other histories, 
is a great empire, of which it is reported, on reliable 
information, that the people are for the mot part 
Chri&ians, but that there are amongSt them both 
Muhammadans and infidels. Although it has not yet 
been ascertained what territories and provinces are 
comprised in this empire, divers opinions thereon have 
been formed. From the Stories and writings of persons 
worthy of credit it seems probable that Catayo, and not 
Abexim [Abyssinia], as has been supposed hitherto, 
is the real kingdom of PreSle loam of the EaSt, in search 
of whom Dom loam II of this realm sent men by land 
to India, before the Portuguese found their way there 
by sea. 2 

For it is known that when the King of Catayo goes 
on horseback, he has carried before him three crosses, 
the firSt of gold, the second of silver, and the third of 
some other metal. His name is lonas. He has 
authority over all both in spiritual and in temporal 
matters. The establishment of Christianity amongSt 
the people was due to the blessed apoStle St. Thomas : 
not that he went in person to these parts, or ever 
visited Cambalu (called today Cambalab), the royal 
city and metropolis where the Emperors reside; but 
because some of his disciples went there to preach the 
holy Gospel. By these the people were converted; 



and they kept their faith pure until their Emperors, 
with the desire of extending their dominions, set out to 
conquer the countries round about them. One of 
the latter went as far as Syria and the holy land of 
Jerusalem, and brought back with him some Chriftians 
who had been infefted with the Neftorian heresy; and 
it was through them, as we may suppose, that certain 
errors took root amongft these people. By this it is 
seen that it is the king of this country, and not the 
King of Abexim, who is the real Prefte loam of the 
Eaft. The common error of supposing that it was he 
of Abexim originated with those whom, as we have 
said above, Dom loam II sent to discover Pre&e loam; 
for he commanded them to search for an Eaftern King 
who was a Christian, and before whom a cross was always 
carried. So having come to Egypt and the Red Sea, 
and hearing of no other Christian ruler in those parts 
save the King of Abexim, one of their number made his 
way to that King's court; and when he found there 
both Chriftians and crosses, he, and others who went 
there afterwards and found the like, were persuaded 
that this was none other than Pre&e loam, and such they 
proclaimed him to be; and this belief has been current 
throughout Europe, though, as it appears, the real 
Pre&e loam is the Emperor of Catayo. Moreover, 
the Fathers who are in Mogor, who are continually 
receiving information about this country, underhand 
that it is in Tartaria, and that it extends to the wall of 
China. They say also that it is more easily reached by 
way of China than by way of Mogor, which confirms 
what we have already said in our account of China in 



regard to the intercourse of the Fathers of Paquim 
[Peking] with these Chriftians. 

The person chosen for this perilous mission and 
voyage of discovery was a Brother of our Company 
named Bento de Goges, 3 a native of the island of 
St. Miguel, a man of great courage and many attain- 
ments, and withal of such humility that, though fully 
qualified for the priesthood, he could not be prevailed 
upon to take that order. It was on account of his 
many virtues, and also because he was well versed in 
the Persian and Turkish languages, that he was selefted 
for this important enterprise, a charge which he bravely 
accepted, and which, as will be seen from his letters, 
he undertook in willing obedience to the wishes of the 
Fathers and Superiors of the Company, and for the 
glory of God. It was considered that the beft route 
for him to follow was that which traversed the kingdom 
of Mogor, as he would be able to join company with 
others travelling that way. He was, accordingly, 
sent from Goa, whither he had come with the Mogul 
ambassador, to Laor, so that he might commence his 
journey from that city. Here he made his preparations, 
partly with the money which had been given to him 
for the purpose in Goa, but mainly with the funds 
supplied by the King Achebar, which amounted to 
.nearly four hundred crusados of our money, a gift that 
was greatly appreciated, and was the more remarkable 
as coming from a Moorish king, and one who was 
by no means renowned for his liberality. Even thus, 
his resources were all too slender for a journey which 
was likely to occupy, in the going and returning, at 



leaft four years; for the camel caravans, with which he 
was to travel, move very slowly, traversing always vaft 
campos and sandy deserts, and seldom passing any 
cities on their way. 

Bento Goges set out from Laor in the company of 
the ambassador of the King of Caygar, who happened 
providentially to be leaving Laor at this time. He 
was dressed, not as a Portuguese or a Father, but, 
after the fashion of the Moors, in cabaia and turban. 
He wore a sword in his belt, and carried also a bow 
and arrows; and to be able to journey with less danger 
through that vaft Moorish region, he assumed the 
role of a merchant. He took with him a man of the 
Greek nation, by name Learn Grimam, 4 whom the 
Fathers had chosen for his companion. Besides being 
able to speak both Persian and Turkish, Learn Grimam 
was a man of affairs and a good Chriftian. It was 
solely on account of his affeftion for the Fathers of the 
Company that he consented to go on this long and 
hazardous journey, giving up the salary he received from 
the King, which was a crusado a day, and, what was a 
much greater sacrifice, leaving his wife, to whom he 
had only recently been married. 

That the reader may the better perceive the coura- 
geous spirit in which our good Brother set forth on his 
mission, I shall here quote some passages from the 
letters he wrote to the Fathers and his Superiors at 
Goa on the eve of his departure from Laor, and after 
the commencement of his travels. In a letter to the 
Father Vice-Provincial, dated the 3Oth December, 
1602, he wrote as follows: 

129 i 


" It has pleased God to bring me to this city of Laor, whence 
I am about to ftart for the country of Catayo. I should be 
negle&ing my bounden duty if I departed without firft writing 
to bid farewell to Your Reverence and my beloved Brothers 
in the lands of the South. I bade farewell to Father leronimo 
Xauier, and Father Antonio Machado at Agra on the 29th Ofto- 
ber. When I parted from them, I parted also from the dress 
I was wearing, exchanging it for the coftume of the country, 
in which I am now attired. I will not attempt to tell Your 
Reverence what my feelings were when I saw myself in these 
Grange garments. When they came to see me for the la& time, 
Father Xauier and Father Antonio Machado remained with 
me the whole night giving me advice and inftruftion. It was 
with a sorrowful heart that I took leave of them and set out for 
Laor. On the way, some took me for a Saiyid, which means 
a descendant of Mafamede, and others for a grandee of the 
kingdom of Meca; but they little knew the school in which I 
had been brought up. May God be praised for all his blessings. 

" I arrived at Laor on the 8th December, the day of the 
Conception of our Lady. I made my arrival known to Father 
Manoel Pinheyro and Father Corsi, but did not go to their 
house, as I had been inftrufted not to do so. Father Manoel 
Pinheyro came to see me, being much concerned that he could 
not entertain me, as is the cuftom of our Company. I am 
ftaying in the house of a Venetian named loao Galiseo, where 
I am playing the part of a merchant. To make my disguise 
more complete, I am wearing a beard reaching to my breaft, 
and long hair, as is the fashion amongft these people. All this, 
my Father, I am doing for the love of the Lord, who so greatly 
loveth us, and suffered for us. I beg your Reverence after 
reading this to say a mass for me to our Lady of Viftory, that 
she may enable me to triumph over all my enemies and diffi- 
culties; and I beg the same of all the Fathers and Brothers of 
these parts. They know well that those among& whom I am 
going are wolves, the arch enemies of our faith; but I go con- 
fident that I have their prayers. 



" I am now known as Banda Abedula, that is ' Servant of 
God,' 5 a name which Father leronimo Xauier gave to me 
when we parted. The seal on this letter is made with the ring 
which, following the cuftom of the country, I now wear on my 
finger. The King has been very generous to me. He has 
furnished me with many of the necessities for my journey, and 
has also paid me for the whole time that I was in India. With 
this money, amounting to more than a thousand rupees, the 
Fathers have paid off some debts, and I have defrayed the coft 
of my journey from India to Agra. May God make His 
Majesty a Christian, which is the greatest good we can desire 
for him in this life. It remains only for me to send my greetings 
to your Reverence and to the Fathers and Brothers in those 
parts. May the peace of Jesus Chrift be with them and with 
you. Amen. From Laor, the 3Oth December, 1602." 

In another letter written before his departure to 
Father leronimo Xauier, dated the 24th February, 7 
1 603, he says : 

" I write in reply to the letter of farewell which your Rever- 
ence has addressed to this your Brother. My Father, our Lord 
alone knows how my heart overflowed with affeftion as I read 
and Studied your words. Your Reverence does well to en- 
courage his weak Brother with such letters and counsels. I 
cannot help repeating the words of the Apoftle Paul, * I live, 
and yet not I, but Chrift liveth in me '; for it was by meditating 
on the teaching and words of Christ, that he came to say so many 
marvellous things in his Epiftles. Therefore, reverend Father, 
I beg you, who are so learned in the holy Scriptures, that you 
will not cease to water this barren soul of mine which so sorely 
needs divine Strength, so that I may be able to raise and bring 
back fruit from the lands of Catayo, whither my duty calls me ; 
and though our Company of Jesus desires to build so lofty 
an edifice, with foundations as deep as its great height requires, 
yet I shall find support in the words of the holy Scriptures, 
* God is able of these Clones, etc.' Although, my Father, you 


are far from where I am, and from where I shall be, I caft 
myself, and remain always pro&rate at your feet, kissing them 
many times, and asking pardon for my faults. I leave my soul 
in your hands, a living sacrifice before the moil holy Trinity. 
May Jesus Chrift grant that my eyes may yet in this life look 
upon your Reverence; then shall I be able to sing the song of 
Symeam, * Lord, now letteft thou thy servant depart in peace.' 
And if it shall be that we do not see each other again, he who 
firft enters beatitude shall be mediator before God for the 
other that the day may quickly dawn when he shall escape from 
the trials and tempers of this life. 

" As Senhor Learn Grimao, whom I am well content to have 
as a companion, has now arrived, we have decided to take the 
road without delay. We have purchased camels and we ftart 
on Sunday. Today, which is the firft Friday in Lent, we are 
carrying our belongings to the other side of the river, 8 where 
there is a caravan which is about to leave for Cabul. I am 
taking with me the memoranda and inftruftions which your 
Reverence has sent to me together with my letters-patent, and 
a letter for those at Catayo, and another for the Fathers at 
Paquim in China. I am also taking a memorandum from the 
Archbishop of Goa treating about the schisms which have 
appeared amongft these people, and in addition I have a paper 
on which are written all the moveable feafts down to the year 
1620. I am going very well provided, needing only the offer- 
ings and prayers of the Fathers of India and Europe, to whom 
I beg your Reverence to write asking them to commend me to 
God. I carry with me, on my head, the sign and name of our 
reverend Father General, together with the vows that I have 
made before God and the whole court of heaven, as well as the 
signature [firma] of your Reverence, and of the Father Boba- 
dilha, and of our visiting Father, Nicolao Pimenta and our 
Father Provincial, Nuno Rodrigues. All these I carry in 
a kind of Moorish reliquary, which I keep folded in a turban. 
On my breaft I wear a cross with two evangils, one from 
S. loam, In principle era verbum, and the other from S. Marcos 



Euntes mundun universum. These are the panoply in which 
I go armed. I beg your Reverence to write and obtain for me 
the unceasing prayers of my brother novices, who are very dear 
to me because of their fellowship with Chrift our Lord. And 
because they are the tender plants in a garden which is constantly 
watered with grace from heaven, it cannot but be that their 
prayers and penances will find acceptance in His sight. 

" My Father, it is time that we were on our way. I muft 
therefore bring this letter to an end. But my thoughts of 
your Reverence do not end with it; for my heart can never 
lose the memory of the affeftion and kindness which your 
Reverence has always shown to his brother Bento de Goes; 
nor shall I ever lay aside the counsels which, as one experienced 
and schooled in the adversities of the world, you have sent tome 
at this hour of my departure; for those who have never suffered, 
who have never been cold, or hungry, or forsaken, cannot tell 
what such trials mean. Thus, outwardly, I bid your Reverence 
farewell, and crave your holy blessing; but inwardly I am Still 
with you. Written from Laor, the I4th of February, 1603." 

In another letter written after he had travelled a 
diftance of 102 coss (equal to as many Italian miles) 
he thus replied to one he had received from Father 
Manoel Pinheyro : 

" Your Reverence's letter written on the 4th March, con- 
taining news of the realm, reached me on the 7th of the month. 
I cannot describe the joy and the longings with which it filled 
my heart; nor can I help shedding many tears on account of the 
love which I have for my Brothers, whom I remember every 
day in my solitude. For it is my chief recreation to think about 
them, whereby my spirit is greatly refreshed. Owing to the 
difficulties and the turmoil of the journey, I am unable to 
observe the regular times and forms of prayer. I therefore use 
ejaculatory prayers [jaculatorias]^ communing with God in my 
heart; and thus I gain Strength to bear this cross, which to others 
may seem heavy, but which to me seems light and pleasant, 



since I bear it for love of the Creator of all things. We are 
ftill failing, taking our meal only at night Though we have 
to pay much for it, our fare consists only of a little rice with 
ghee, some coarse cakes [apai\? and some onions; if we can get 
a little salt fish, we count it a treat, though it causes thirft. 
The cold is very severe, for we are passing mountains covered 
with snow. But of all these trials, which I bear with serenity, 
I make your Reverence, and all who belong to this Mission, 
partakers. Trufting in your Reverence's holy masses, etc. 
" Written from the province of Ga^ar, 102 coss from Laor." 10 

In another letter written after he had been six 
months on his way, he wrote that he was amongft very 
barbarous and savage people; but that, having God with 
him, he had no fear. To a barbarian king, who 
threatened to have him thrown under the feet of 
elephants, he replied calmly that he was not afraid, and 
that he desired nothing better than to die for the love 
of the true God and Creator of the universe. 



REGARDING the progress of this mission, the success of 
which is so earnestly desired, there is at this time only 
one letter from Brother Bento de Goes who has gone 
to explore this Christian country. It was written 
on the 2nd February, i6o4, 2 when the Brother was at 
Hircande [Yarkand] at the court of the King who 
rules over Cascar [Kashgar] and other territories sub- 
jeft to him. In this letter he writes that as soon as it 
became known that an Armenian Rume had arrived, 
who was not a follower of their accursed prophet, all 
the people of the court were filled with astonishment, 
for they could not believe that the world contained a 
man of intelligence who followed any law but their 
own. When his arrival had been made known to the 
King, the Brother went to pay his respefts, taking with 
him a present, as is customary in these parts. This 
consisted of one large and three smaller mirrors, a 
silken cloth to spread on the royal dais \eStradd\> a 
white cloth with coloured gripes, three loaves of sugar, 
and some sweetmeats. 3 The King accepted the 
present, and at this interview nothing further transpired. 
A day or two later he sent for Goes and ordered him to 
bring with him the holy gospel and the cross, having 
been told about these things by one of his vassals, or 
Captains, who had been to the Brother's lodging to 
inspeft his belongings, and to see if he could find 



amongft them any curiosities for the King. Amongft 
other things the Captain saw a breviary and a richly 
ornamented cross, and he asked what they were. The 
Brother said that the book related to the holy Gospel of 
Jesus Chrift, and that the cross was the emblem of the 
Chriftians, and was a representation of that on which the 
Son of God died to save the world. The Captain wanted 
to take these things to the King; but the Brother per- 
suaded him not to take them away, and begged him to 
say nothing about them to the King. The Captain 
promised that he would disclose nothing; but the 
moment he reached the palace he gave an account of 
all that he had seen; and very soon afterwards the 
Brother was sent for, as we have already said. In 
compliance with this order, he made his way to the 
palace, where he found the King surrounded by 
numerous gentlemen and lords of his court, all of whom 
wore long beards, which gave them a very venerable 
appearance. After he had made his obeisance, the 
King expressed his desire to see the holy Gospel, that is, 
the breviary mentioned above. With great reverence 
the Brother drew it from the covering in which he had 
carefully folded it, and having kissed it, placed it on his 
head, the whole court watching him attentively. Then 
a courtier came forward to take it and hand it to the 
King. Before entrusting it to him, Brother Goes 
again kissed it and placed it on his head, and the 
courtier on taking it did the same, as did also the King 
when it was put into his hands. When he opened it, 
the King was astonished to see how small the letters 
were, and yet so perfe&ly formed. He asked the 



Brother if he could read the book; and on his saying 
that he could, he told him to read some portion of it 
aloud. The firSt passage on which the Brother's eye 
fell happened to be the antiphony which is sung on the 
day of the Ascension of our Lord, Viri Galilei quid Starts 
aspicientes in cesium^ etc. These words he intoned in a 
loud voice, and with so much devotion that tears fell 
from his eyes. Observing his emotion, the Moors 
too were moved to tears and sighs. They asked him 
to tell them the meaning of the words he had recited, 
and the Brother, rejoicing at the opportunity thus 
given him of proclaiming the name of ChriSt in the 
presence of these infidels, discoursed to them on the 
Ascension, on the coming of the Holy Spirit on the 
ApoStles, and, in particular, on the Day of Judgment. 
Then, opening the breviary again, he read the psalm 
beginning, Miserere met Deus, which he also briefly 
explained to them. His words made a great im- 
pression on the infidels, who looked at one another in 
open-mouthed surprise, and the King in his aStonish- 
ment said, " What marvellous thing is this ?" 

When asked to exhibit the cross, the Brother drew 
it forth, and kissing it with great respeft, said, address- 
ing the King, " Sire, this is the symbol of the Christians ; 
and when we pray we place it before us." They asked 
him to which quarter the Christians turned when they 
prayed; and he answered, " To all quarters; for God is 
in all." They then enquired if the Christians used 
ablutions. He told them, not as they did, attending 
only to the washing of the body. Our ablut; 
said, were spiritual washings, cleansing 



for we hold that mere outward washings cannot profit 
the soul while the conscience is full of sin and un- 
cleanness. In the end they were all very satisfied 
with what they had heard. But none felt more satis- 
fa&ion than the good Brother, who looked on the hard- 
ships and perils he had encountered as blessings, since 
they had enabled him to make known in the court of 
such a King the gospel of Chri&, and His coming 
again on the la& day. 

The King afterwards sent many times for the Brother. 
On one occasion he showed him a number of manu- 
scripts. Amongft them were some that were very 
beautifully illuminated and inscribed in round 
chara&ers of a red colour. The King asked what these 
were about. The Brother finding that they dealt 
with the my&ery of the Holy Trinity, commenced to 
speak on this subjeft, emphasising in particular, as did 
also these writings, the unity of God, and dwelling on 
His greatness and omnipotence; how all things that we 
see depend upon Him, and He on nothing; how He 
was the beginning of all things, though all things are 
in Him; and other matters of a like nature as God gave 
him utterance. The Moors were again deeply im- 
pressed by the Brother's words, and said one to another, 
a Are these the people we call Caffres, and men with- 
out a law ? Their knowledge of God is no less than 
ours!" And the King said, "Truly this man is a 

Not long afterwards, the chief Moors of the place 
took counsel together saying, how excellent it would 
be if this man could be forced to accept the law of 



salvation; for it is grievous to think that one so worthy 
of respeft muft die and go to hell. But others said, 
what is the use of talking like this ? You may ftrike 
him on the head with a sledge-hammer, but do not 
think you will make him abandon his law. There was 
one of them, however, who made the affair his own, and 
used every means he could devise to carry it through, 
until one evening the Brother went to see him in his 
house, and said to him, " Sir, why do you take all this 
useless trouble ? You do not underhand that my law 
is the essence of my being. If it is my property you 
want, you know where it is to be found, and you have 
only to go and take it. Or here is my body, which, 
if you like, you can tear to pieces. In either case I 
shall count myself as fortunate." After this, the 
Moor abandoned his purpose, and never spoke of 
it again. 

On another occasion he was sent for by Merisachias 
[Mirza Ghyas ?], the King's chief minister and a very 
powerful lord, who asked many things about the 
Chriftians and their ways. The Brother answered 
all his questions, telling him of our cuftoms, and of the 
Chriftian practice of self-examination which greatly 
surprised him. One of those present, out of pity for 
the Brother, asked him to repeat with him the saluta- 
tion to Mafamede, so that he might be saved, for there 
was nothing else that he needed. He then began, with 
much fervour, to intone it [presumably the kalimah^ 
and was much disconcerted to find that the Brother 
did not join in his prayer. The other Moors ground 
their teeth in anger, and a tumult arose, in the midft 



of which a sword was called for. In no way dis- 
composed, the Brother turned to him who had sum- 
moned him, and in a calm voice said, " You ordered me 
to come to you, and I am here under your parole. By 
replying courteously to your questions, what injury 
have I done you ?" This answer completely appeased 
the anger of the Moors, and many things were said in 
praise of the Brother. 

Before reaching this city, the Brother had been able, 
in circum&ances of which we know little (owing to the 
loss of the letters referring thereto), to do a service 
to the Queen of this country, who, while journeying 
from a certain place, had been robbed of her baggage 
containing all her personal possessions, and was thus 
left without even the ordinary necessities of life. Bento 
de Goes happened to be in the place to which she had 
come, and hearing of her plight, assisted her, as far 
as his means permitted, with funds for her immediate 
expenses. 4 When this became known, there was 
great astonishment amongft the infidels, and especially 
at the King's court, where all praised the Brother and 
thanked him for his service to their Queen, who had 
found in him, a Granger, the assistance she had sought 
in vain amongft her countrymen. 

The Queen reached the court after the Brother had 
arrived there. Many people, with gifts in their hands, 
went forth from the city to welcome her. A message 
was sent to the Prince, her son, to whose residence 
[i.e. Khotan] it was an eight days' journey, and he 
came poft-hafte to see his mother. Two days after 
his arrival, the Brother went to see him, armed with 



his present. On being informed that he had come, 
the Prince at once came out to receive him. The 
Brother, following the cuftom of the country, would 
have embraced his feet; but the Prince would not per- 
mit this, and taking him kindly by the arm raised him 
to his feet. He then made enquiries after his health, 
and asked how old he was, where he had come from, 
and why he had left his own country. He also said 
that he had ordered the repayment in full of the amount 
he had advanced to the Queen. 

This Prince is twenty-six years of age. He is of a 
very amiable disposition, and is well liked by the 
people, who will gladly welcome him to the throne 
on the death of him who now reigns. He was very 
friendly in his behaviour to Brother Goes, showing 
him so much favour that, besides always giving him a 
seat near his own, he told him that when he wished to 
come to his house he need not trouble to send word 
beforehand, but that he was to come at once into his 
presence and sit down without ceremony. Having 
been told of the breviary, he asked that it might be 
brought to him. His request having been complied 
with, he kept the book for so long a time that at laft 
the Brother asked that it might be returned to him. 
The Prince at fir looked somewhat abashed, and then 
said with a smile, " If I do not let you have it again, 
what will you do ?" " Sire," said the Brother, " it is 
not the cuftom of Kings to use force with their sub- 
jefts:" a reply which pleased the Prince and those 
who were with him. Some of the latter asked him to 
send for the book, which they were very anxious to 



see. But he took no notice of their requeft ; and a few 
moments later he rose, and took the Brother with him to 
his apartment, giving orders that no one else was to be 
admitted. He then told a servant to bring the breviary ; 
and when the man was about to deliver it to Goes, 
the Prince topped him, and rising from his seat, 
himself took the book from the servant, and kissing 
it, placed it in the hands of the Brother, at the same time 
begging him to read aloud and explain some portions 
of it. By the manner in which he read, the Brother 
brought tears into the Prince's eyes. Among& other 
things he spoke to him about the power of the Pope, 
the manner of his eleftion, and what he represents on 
earth, of the way in which Christians make confession 
of their sins, of the hospitals and houses of mercy 
which they maintain, of the power and majesty of our 
Kings, of the bishops and cardinals, and of the govern- 
ment of Christian States : all of which things interested 
the Prince so much, that he could talk to his companions 
of nothing else. After some days, he went back to his 
estates whence he had come. He tried to persuade 
the Brother to accompany him, assuring him that he 
had nothing to fear. "My own sword," he said, 
" shall proteft you. 1 ' 

In the city of Hircande, the residence of the King 
of these realms, there are a hundred mosques. Every 
Friday a Moor comes to the market-place \$raca\ and 
in a loud voice bids all men remember that it is Friday, 
and that it is their duty to attend the principal mosque 
and perform the ceremonies and prayers ordained in 
their Alcoran. Afterwards twelve men come forth 



from the mosque armed with leathern thongs, with 
which they chaftise all whom they meet who have not 
said their prayers; and those who are beaten are ab- 
solved from their sin. 6 Each quarter of the city has 
its own mosque, to which all the people of that quarter 
are obliged to go five times a day to pray. If they do 
not go, they are made to pay fines. As the Brother 
did not attend these namazas [prayers], as they call 
them, the cacizef tried to make him pay the fine, 
putting him to much trouble. So at laft he went to 
the King and told him that the Mullas, who are the 
cacizes, would not leave him in peace and demanded 
his money. On hearing his ftory, the King and those 
who were with him laughed heartily; nevertheless, the 
cacizes were reprimanded, and the King told the 
Brother that he was free to live as he liked, and that no 
one should interfere with him. 

God gave such grace to this Brother that there was 
no one who had any dealings with him who did not 
become his friend. There was never a feaft in the city 
to which he was not invited. On these occasions they 
used to ask him questions about the Christian faith, 
which he thus had many opportunities of expounding. 
The Moors themselves used to preach every day near 
one of their schools. Large numbers of mats were 
brought for the people to sit upon, and a high chair 
for the preacher. Close to the chair a staff was 
luck in the ground, which from time to time the 
preacher grasped, raising himself from his seat and 
continuing his harangue with many gesticulations. 
The sermons always dealt with Glories of their 



false prophet, and were directed againft Caffres and 

Concerning the continuation of his journey for the 
fulfilment of his mission, the Brother made arrange- 
ments to travel in the company of an ambassador who 
was going from Hirchande to Trufam [Turfan], where 
caravans are formed for journeying to Catayo. This 
ambassador, who was a much-respefted person, assured 
the Brother that he could both take him and bring him 
back safely, and he added that it was many years since 
any of our people had been to those parts. It is the 
custom for ambassadors to purchase [the leadership of] 
these journeys. The price paid by this man was 
200 bags of musk, which he delivered to the King 
before setting out. As the ambassador can take with 
him [into Catayo] only seventy-two persons, merchants 
bribe him heavily to be included in this number. Those 
who pay but little are excluded; but to all who bring 
him presents the ambassador pledges his word, which 
he afterwards breaks in many cases, since all cannot 
enter with him. They ftart from this city, but travel 
very slowly on account of the numbers that join the 
ambassador, who makes a big profit. 

The journey onwards to Trufam takes forty days, 
from thence to Camur [Camul] seven days, and from 
Camur to the gates of Catayo eleven days. 7 However 
many travellers there may be, they never allow more 
than seventy-two to pass in. To each of these a horse 
is supplied for every ftage of the journey, and two 
attendants, as well as expenses for food whilst travelling 
through those parts. They say that five hundred mules 



are supplied for each day's march until the court is 

Here in Hircande the Brother found fans \abanos\> 
paper, Clicks of ink [pao detinta], porcelain, and rhubarb, 
all of which come from Catayo; and by sea, from the 
other side, it is said that seed pearls [aljofar], cinnamon, 
and cloves [cravo], are brought into Catayo, while in 
the country itself is to be found abundance of ginger 
and loaf-sugar. From this it would appear that Catayo, 
though it is not the same as China (since what is related 
of the kings of Catayo is quite different from what we 
know for certain of the kings of China), is very near to, 
and closely resembles it. 

The Brother was also greatly pleased and encouraged 
by seeing some paintings on paper which had come from 
Catayo. Among& them was one representing a man 
wearing a biretta on which a cross was fixed, and 
another man &ood before him with folded hands. This 
appeared to be the portrait of some bishop. He also 
saw painted on porcelain a Franciscan monk hanging 
by his girdle, with what looked like a tonsure on 
his head, though he wore the long beard of a 

In travelling to Hircande the Brother traversed the 
worft roads he had met with in the whole of his journey, 
his route lying through the deserts of Pamech [Pamir]. 
The cold was so intense that five of his horses died. 
The country was uninhabited and no fire-wood was 
obtainable. The air was so bad that men could hardly 
breathe, while their horses suffered to such an extent 
that many collapsed suddenly, and fell dead for want of 

145 K 


breath. Again& this their only remedies were garlic, 
onions, or dried apricots, which they ate themselves 
and applied to the mouths of their animals. This 
desert is crossed in forty days when there is snow, and 
at other times more rapidly. It is infefted with savage 
robbers, who lie in wait for caravans and commit many 

Since the receipt of the letter of the 2nd February, 
from which we learnt the particulars given above, there 
has come to hand another written in August of the 
same year from which we learn that he was able to make 
good arrangements for the continuation of his journey. 
The Captain of the caravan with which he was to travel 
offered to include him amongft the five who go as ambas- 
sadors ; but he felt that he could not afford to live up to 
this position, and was content to go as one of the seventy- 
two passengers. He says also in this letter that while he 
was in the city of Hircande, the King and all the people 
showed him much kindness, and in particular the Prince 
above mentioned, with whom the Brother spent some 
days in the city where he lived. ChriSlian merchants will 
never meet with such friendly treatment in these parts; 
but will find the people only too ready to rob them 
of their goods and drink their blood. This is well 
illustrated by the behaviour of a certain Moor, who 
was the agent of the devil himself, though all the people 
* looked on him as a Saint. One day, this man, who 
gloried in his reputation, and claimed that he had 
caused the deaths of many people by his invocations 
came up to the Brother, with whom were many other 
people, and holding a knife to his breaft bade him say 



the salutation to his Mafamede, or forfeit his life. His 
countrymen who were ^landing around said one to 
another, that it mu& have been revealed to him in a 
vision that he would be doing God a service by slaying 
this man; but some foreign merchants came forward 
and took the knife from his hands. The Brother, 
meanwhile, had merely smiled at the Moor's threats 
and violent language; and this drove him to such fury 
and indignation that he swore great oaths that he would 
have the Christian merchant's life. But God protefted 
his pilgrim, and caused him to be looked on with such 
favour wherever he went that, though he did not escape 
the enmity of men like this Moor, there were always 
others ready to defend him. But in these and all other 
dangers he encountered his only reliance was on the 
fountain of all good. Thus, his manner of life was an 
example to all at this court, who, despite their false 
beliefs, admitted to one another that they had never 
known so righteous a man as the Brother, or any 
Armenian like him. It was because of the respeft 
in which he was held that a certain merchant who had 
come from Moscouia, and who sometimes made the 
sign of the cross, came to him and besought him for a 
remedy for his little son who for a year paft had been 
lying ill, with none to afford him relief. As he had 
been on friendly terms with this merchant, the Brother 
went to his house to see the child, taking his breviary 
with him. This he placed on the patient's head, after 
which he read the Gospel to him, and before departing 
hung a cross about his neck. Within three days, by 
the will of God, the child was cured. 



Before his departure, a caravan arrived from Catayo. 
But the Moors who came with it could tell him nothing 
of the country except that the inhabitants were cafares, 
which means people without a law. Some called them 
Franks, which is a name they give to all Portuguese 
and Christians. The Brother also found at Hircande 
a captive king of Tabete [Tibet], who had been cap- 
tured by a trick and brought there three years pre- 
viously. His name was Gombuna Miguel [Gompo 
Namgyal]. 8 The Brother sometimes went to see him; 
but he was unable to understand his language, and all 
that he learnt from him by means of signs was that in 
his country they read the Angil [Kanjur ?], 9 that is to 
say, the Evangelho. AmongSt those who came with 
him, however, there was a doftor by name Lunrique, 10 
who could speak Persian, and he told the Brother that 
in his land there was no circumcision ; but that on the 
eighth day children are taken to their Botelhana, 11 
which is their church, and that their Itolama washes 
them and names them after the Saints which are painted 
in their churches. He also said that their chief Father, 
whom they call Cumgao, 12 wears a mitre on his head and 
a robe which resembles a chasuble; that the people 
observe a fat of forty days during which they abstain 
from food till nightfall, and take neither wine nor flesh; 
but at the end of the forty days they make a great feaSt 
and again eat flesh ; he said that they have the Angil, 
which is the Evangelho; that their Fathers do not 
marry; that they believe in a day of judgment, and in 
eight hells and three paradises, to all of which names 
are given; that each of the hells is for the expiation of 



particular crimes, and each paradise for the enjoyment 
of particular rewards. He said further that some of 
their grandees were in Catayo, which was a month's 
journey from their Tabete, and that those in Catayo 
would be very glad to see the Brother. 




IN the earlier portions of our narrative we wrote all 
that we then knew concerning the mission undertaken 
by Brother Bento de Goes of our Company for the dis- 
covery of the Chriftians said to be living in the realms 
of Catayo, and of what befell him on his way. As it 
has pleased God that he should accomplish his mission, 
though the end was not what he had expefted, we shall 
now tell what we know of the remainder of his journey 
and how it ended. But firl, to preserve the thread 
of our ftory, we shall briefly recapitulate what we have 
already written. 

This good Brother, then, left the city of Agra and the 
court of the Great Mogor on the 6th of January, i6o3. 2 
In order that he might not be recognised as a European, 
he travelled in the guise of an Armenian merchant, 
carrying a bow and arrows, and wearing a beard and 
long hair, but showing by the manner of his dress that 
he was a Christian. He was accompanied by a Greek 
deacon named Leao, and a merchant, also a Greek, 
named Demetrio. He also took with him another 
Chri&ian Armenian named Isaac, a married man of that 
city, who was his faithful companion throughout the 
whole of his journey, and until his death. From Agra 
he went to Lahor, which is also the Great Mogor's 
capital ; and from there he set out for the Eaft with a 
caravan of merchants. After a journey of nearly four 



months they arrived at Papur [Peshawar] 8 where they 
halted twenty days. In Cafriftao, 4 which they reached 
in twenty marches, they halted for a similar period, 
after which they journeyed for twenty-five days to 
Zedeli [Jagdalak] 6 , being much troubled by brigands as 
they approached this city. From Zedeli they travelled 
in twenty days to Cabul, a large and very busy city, 
where they remained for eight months. 6 Some of the 
merchants were left behind here, and with them the 
two Greeks who had accompanied Brother Goes. 7 

In this city the Brother met the sifter of the King 
of Cascar [Kashgar], who was also mother of the 
ruler of Cotao [Khotan], She was known by the title, 
Ahchanam, which amongft the Moors, signifies u the 
beatified lady from Meca." To this lady, who on 
arriving at Cabul found herself in Straitened circum- 
stances, the Brother rendered valuable assistance, in 
return for which he afterwards received tokens of 
gratitude both from the lady and from her son. From 
Cabul the caravan went on to Characar [Charikar], 8 
where the Brother became seriously ill, and he had not 
fully recovered when his journey recommenced. At the 
end of forty-five days the caravan reached Calca, 9 
a land where the people are of a ruddy complexion and 
fair-haired [ruiuos &? louros], and proceeded thence 
to a place called Talhan [Talikhan], which was reached 
in twenty-five days. On leaving here they suffered 
much at the hands of brigands. The Brother was 
amongSt those who suffered loss, as well as much ill- 
usage at the hands of the Moors. Once when he was 
some distance from his companions, four brigands 


came down upon him. Seeing that they intended to 
rob him, he took a coftly turban, and placing a stone 
in it, flung it as far away as he was able, 10 anticipating 
what aftually happened; for whilst the thieves were 
quarrelling as to whose the prize should be, he put spurs 
to his horse and made good his escape. As they con- 
tinued on their way they were repeatedly attacked by 
bands of robbers, who infli&ed many indignities on 
them as well as hard blows. They also endured many 
hardships on account of the roughness of the roads and 
the snow which covered them; while the cold was so 
severe that many of the travellers died from its effefts, 
and the Brother barely escaped the same fate. 

At laft, however, in the month of November, 1603, 
they reached the metropolis of the kingdom of Cascar, 
which is a very populous city named Hircande [Yar- 
kand]. As caravans from Cabul do not proceed beyond 
this city, a fresh arrangement had to be made for the 
onward journey. The Brother was detained here a 
year, waiting for a favourable opportunity to set forth. 

In this city he again met the Lady from Meca who 
used her influence on his behalf, so that he was well 
received by the King, her brother, who also afforded 
him assistance in preparing for his journey. On the 
1 4th of November he set out with a caravan, the com- 
mand of which the King had sold to one of the principal 
merchants, who was given complete authority over 
all the others. After travelling for nearly a year 11 they 
reached a city called Chalis [Kara-shahr]. On this 
journey they traversed many wild and rugged trafts 
and waterless deserts, encountering hardships as severe 



as any that they had previously endured. The 
Brother was often in great peril; but God miraculously 
delivered him from the hands of the Moors and in- 
fidels, who hate the very name of Christian, and whose 
cursed law pardons those who ill-use or slay the followers 
of the Christian faith. 

Chalis is a small town, but well fortified. Here the 
Brother met some Moors who, under the pretence of 
being ambassadors, had been to China to sell their 
merchandise. These told him that at the court of 
Pachim (which they call Hambalac, or Cambuluc), 
there were some Christian Grangers who had given the 
King a big present consisting of clocks, clavichords 
[crauos pera tanger], piftures, and other things, and that 
they had been well received by the King and the nobles 
of the realm. It turned out that these Moors, whilft 
at Paquim, which was in the year 1 60 1 , had been lodged 
next to Father Matheus Ricio and his companions, in 
the garden [cerca\ where Strangers are quartered, and 
had frequent intercourse with them. Being fond of 
curiosities, they had brought back with them a piece 
of paper with Portuguese writing on it which they 
showed to Bento de Goes. 12 The Brother was very 
glad to see this, and felt convinced that these Christian 
people muft be the Fathers of the Company whom he 
knew had gone to China with the intention of proceed- 
ing to Paquim. 

While in Chalis, the Brother made a present to the 
Lord of the country, and asked that he might be per- 
mitted to go on in advance of the caravan. This was 
granted, though it was contrary to the will of the 



Captain. When making out his passport, the King 
asked him how he wished that this should be done. He 
replied that he should be described as being of the law 
of Jesus, which in the Moorish tongue would be 
signified by the words, Abdula issac [Abdullah isawi*= 
Abdullah the Christian). 18 On hearing this, one of the 
oldest of the cacizes who were present, removing his 
turban and placing it on the ground, said, u This man 
is a true follower of his law, which he confesses in the 
presence of your Highness, and before all of us, who, 
were we to find ourselves amongft Christians, would 
deny our law, and through fear, or for worldly con- 
siderations, pass ourselves off as Christians, being 
nothing of the kind." 

Having departed from Chalis, the Brother came, on 
the i yth of October, 1605, to Camul, where he re- 
mained for the space of a month. He then resumed 
his march, and in nine days' time 14 reached the walls 
of China. Here at lat after all the vicissitudes of his 
Grange and perilous journey, which he had undertaken 
for the love of God and in faithful obedience to the 
wishes of his Superiors, as well as on account of his own 
earned desire to discover that remote Christian com- 
munity in search of which he had been sent here at 
laSt he was finally convinced that there was in the world 
no other Catayo but the kingdom of China, and that 
the information which the Moors had brought to the 
court of the great Mogul, and all that they had related 
of the grandeur of the King of Catayo, and of the 
Christians over whom he ruled, were either the out- 
come of their ignorance or deliberate fabrications. 



This was confirmed by Father Mattheus Ricio who, 
in a letter written on the I2th November, i6o7, 16 to 
the Father Provincial of India, said that Christendom 
and the world in general need no longer be under any 
misapprehension in regard to the country of Catayo, 
which was none other than China. As to the Chri&ians 
who were reported to be in this kingdom, and more 
particularly in the provinces of Xensi [Shen-si] and 
Honam [Honan], he said that he had sent Brothers 
of the Company, natives of China, to each of these 
provinces to make enquiries and clear the matter up; 
and that it had been ascertained by these Brothers 
that there had aftually been many Christian families 
in these parts who had continued to follow their law 
up to the beginning of the laft half-century; but that 
since then, fearing that the Chinese sought to kill 
them, as being descendants of the Tartars who five 
hundred years previously had subdued China, they had 
all dispersed and abandoned their law, and today they 
would not admit that they are the descendants of those 

But to return to our good Brother Bento de Goes. 
Having reached, as we have said, the walls of China, 
he was obliged to wait outside them for twenty-five 
days whilft a messenger was sent to the Tutam 16 to 
obtain permission for him and his companions to pass 
in. When he was allowed to proceed, which was at 
the end of the year 1 605, the names of all were written 
down and a lift was made of the goods which they 
carried. The day after passing through the walls he 
arrived at the city of Subecheo [Su-chou], 17 and he at 



once dispatched a letter to the Fathers at Paquim, 18 
of whom he heard further news from some Moors in 
this city. Of the companions with whom he had set 
out, the two Greeks, Leao and Demetrio, left him at 
Hircande; 19 only Isaac remained with him always and 
entered China with him. He had also some servants 
whom he had picked up during his journey. The 
caravan of Moors with which he had travelled arrived 
six months later. 

The Brother was in this city for fifteen or sixteen 
months waiting for the safe-conduft which he had 
asked the Fathers to obtain for him, together with the 
passport which, as a foreigner, he required to enable 
him to pass through China to the court at Paquim. At 
the end of that time, there came to him a Brother of 
our Company named loao Fernandez, a native of 
China, whom Father Mattheus Riccio, on learning 
of his arrival, sent in search of him. 

For a month paft, Goes had been on a bed of sick- 
ness; and Fernandez found him completely worn-out 
by the hardships he had been through, and so emaci- 
ated that he appeared to be a living skeleton. Even 
though, during his journey through those va& interiors 
which he went to explore, he had suffered no other 
distress but that of finding in the great kingdoms 
through which he passed so many millions devoted 
to the cursed law of Mafamede, and not a single soul 
that knew the true faith, it would have seemed like a 
miracle that he lived to get as far as he did. How 
much more miraculous, then, does it seem when, in 
addition to his agony of mind, we remember the bodily 



sufferings which he endured, and that he was ever in 
the evil company of the Moors, who are so full of 
deceit and malice that the Brother had good reason for 
saying that no Christian could make by land such a 
pilgrimage as this owing to the treacherous character 
of the Moors. 

No one can imagine, nor can words describe the joy 
of Bento de Goes on learning of the arrival of loam 
Fernandez, and on seeing once more a Brother of the 
Company of Jesus. He welcomed him as though he 
had been an angel sent from heaven. Nor did he 
rejoice less at the good tidings which Fernandez 
brought to him of the Fathers, and of the good work 
they had done in China. Taking the letters which 
had been brought to him from the Father, he kissed 
them reverently, and raising his hands to heaven sang 
the song of the aged Simeam, while his eyes filled with 
tears of pure devotion and joy. All that night he kept 
the letters clasped in his hands, giving continual 
thanks to our Lord for bringing him to the end of his 
long pilgrimage, which he had undertaken in obedience 
to, and for the glory of God, and the salvation of souls. 
For although he did not find the Chriftians of Catayo 
who were believed to be in exigence, he did, in his 
love for them, the utmo& that duty could demand, 
loam Fernandez was anxious to make arrangements 
forthwith for taking him to Pachim, as he had been 
ordered to do by Father Mateus Ricio. But the good 
Brother knew that this could not be; and realising that 
his hour was faft approaching he desired to be left in 
peace. Consoled by the presence of Brother loam 



Fernandez, he spent the few days that remained to 
him in earned preparation for his journey into eternity, 
upon which he entered on the i ith of April, 1607;* 
for on that day he died, leaving us assured that he had 
gone to enjoy the bliss which he had merited by a life 
so holy and so full of good works. 

This blessed Brother was a native of Villafranca in 
the island of S. Miguel. He was a member of the 
Order for nineteen years, having entered it at the age 
of twenty-six. His conversion was marked by a very 
marvellous circumstance, and one which clearly be- 
tokened the glorious end to which he was declined. 
When a young man, and while serving as a soldier 
in India, he was sent with the fleet to the coaft of 
Malauar, and came to Trauancor where, close to 
Coleche, 21 there is a church dedicated to our Lady the 
Virgin. He had hitherto lived a life of pleasure, de- 
voting himself to gambling and various other follies 
to which youth is prone; but at this time he was seized 
with such bitter remorse that he loft all hope of salva- 
tion. Happening to land near this church, he entered 
it; and seeing over the altar our Lady the Virgin with 
her child in her lap, he fell on his knees before her, 
and implored her with tears to obtain for him from her 
blessed son forgiveness for his sins. At the same 
inftant he lifted his eyes and lo ! the little Jesus, lying 
in the arms of his mother was also weeping. As he 
looked, there came forth from the eyes of the little 
child a ftream as it were of milk, which ran down until 
it overflowed the altar. Amazed at what he saw, 
Bento de Goes ran to call his comrades that they might 


come and bear witness to this marvel. They came 
and with their own eyes saw that it was as de Goes 
had told them; and taking a handkerchief they dipped 
it in the milk-like liquid, and parted it amongft them- 
selves. 22 Then they went away and fired a salute of 
guns and musketry, after which they cut down branches 
from the trees with which they came and decorated the 
church until it had the appearance of a greenwood. 
Moved by this manifestation of the divine compassion, 
our soldier went forthwith to a Father of our Company 
and with great devotion made a general confession 
covering all his paft life. At the same time he took the 
vows of religion and joined our Company, in the ser- 
vice of which he laboured so unceasingly and died so 

On his death, the Moors who had come with him, 
and who were lodged in the same ho&el, wished to 
bury him in accordance with the rites of their Alcoram, 
But Brother loam Fernandez did not permit this; 
and he and the faithful Isaac, having placed the body 
in a coffin, buried it after the Chri&ian fashion in a 
quiet spot, whence on the day of judgment our Brother 
will arise glorious to receive a second Stole, and the 
guerdon due to his merits. 

The Brother had kept a diary in which he used to 
write from day to day all that took place during his 
pilgrimage. He had also written down in the same 
book the acknowledgments which the Moors gave him 
for the amounts which he had frequently advanced 
to them from his slender resources. Wherefore, the 
moment they heard of his death, the Moors came to 



his room and possessed themselves of this book, which 
they tore in pieces, so that no one might be able to 
compute their debts. loam Fernandez and Isaac the 
Armenian were greatly digressed by the loss of this 
diary and journal which the Brother had kept. All 
that they could do was to colleft as many of the frag- 
ments as they could find, and these they took with them 
to Father Matheus Ricio who fitted them together 
piece by piece. It was with the help of these, and what 
he was able to learn from Isaac, that the Father com- 
posed the brief narrative of the pilgrimage of Goes of 
which we have previously spoken. 23 

The possessions which the Brother left included a 
breviary, a cross which he wore about his neck, a paper 
on which were written in his own hand the vows which 
he had taken, the firmas, or subscriptions, of the 
letters which our Father General, the visiting Father, 
and the Father Provincial of India had written to him, 
the patent of Father leronymo Xauier, and the chapter 
from the writings of the Apo&le St. Paul which is 
read at mass on his day, in which the Apolle glories 
in the trials he endured for Christ. All these things 
the Father guarded with great veneration, as relics 
of this holy Brother, whose piety was such that amidft 
all the confusion and turmoil of his interminable 
journey he never failed to observe the holy seasons of 
the Church, often withdrawing himself for many days 
beforehand to perform the religious exercises of our 
Company, so that there was none who did not marvel 
at his devotion. 

The unflagging devotion of Isaac, the companion 

1 60 


of Brother Bento de Goes, renders it meet that, in 
concluding our account of this important mission, we 
should say something of what befell this faithful 
Armenian ere he reached the end of his travels. After 
the death of the Brother he was greatly troubled by the 
Moors, who accused him before their justices of being a 
Moor who had turned Christian. But Brother loam 
Fernandez Stood by him bravely; and on the day when 
he appeared to answer the charge made againSt him, 
the Brother brought some pork which he made the 
Armenian eat in the presence of his accusers. The 
Moors, who abominate pork to such an extent that they 
cannot bear even to look at it, declared that the Ar- 
menian had amply refuted their charge, 24 and left him 
in peace. 

The Brother and Isaac set out with their servants, 
and after travelling for three months reached Paquim, 
the royal city of China. Here they were received by 
Father Mattheus Ricio, who rejoiced at their safe 
return, while deeply lamenting the death of Brother 
Bento de Goes. Isaac was sent well provided to 
Amacao [Macao] where the Fathers raised a good sum 
for him, which they helped him to inveSt in goods that 
are esteemed in India. On his way to Malaca the 
ship in which he sailed was seized by the Olandeses 
[the Dutch], whose Captain questioned him, and 
learning from him of the journey which Brother Bento 
de Goes had made to discover Catayo, and all for the 
sake of the Christians who were said to be living there, 
he marvelled at the Brother's great courage; 
he heard of the countries he had 


kingdoms he had discovered, travelling by land through 
the heart of that va& Eaftern interior which Wretches 
from Goa to China (for indeed this mut be accounted 
one of the mot daring journeys of discovery, perhaps 
the moft daring, that any man has ever made), he 
ordered Isaac to set down all the details in writing, 
saying that there were Jesuit Fathers in his country 
to whom he would show the account, that they might 
know how much those of their Company were doing 
to spread throughout the Eal the law of God which 
they followed. From the kind manner in which the 
Captain treated the Portuguese, Isaac concluded that 
he mul be either a Catholic or a man of exceptional 
intelligence and good feeling. 25 He took them safely 
to Malaca, where the Fathers received Isaac very 
kindly, and made provision for his journey to India. 
After touching at Cochim, he reached Goa. Here, 
at the casa professa, he found Father Manoel Pinheiro 
who had come from Mogor, and in his company he 
set out for Cambaya. 26 The Father Provincial ordered 
him to be given a hundred pardaos 21 for the expenses 
of his journey. 




1 Akbar moved from Lahore to Agra in the ktter part of 1 598, prior 
to joining his armies in the Deccan. See Akbar and the Jesuits, p. 88. 

3 This word originally denoted only Northern China, which, at an 
early period, was in the possession of a Manchurian tribe known as the 
Khitai, a name which was subsequently applied by the peoples of 
Central Asia to the whole of China. Cambalu (Khan-baligh, " the 
city of the Khans ") was the Turki name for the capital of China. 
The name Pe-king, or " North Court," dates from the early part of 
the fifteenth century when the royal residence, which in the middle 
of the previous century had been transferred to Nan-king, or " South 
Court," was moved back to its ancient seat. It was this double set of 
names which gave rise to the belief, so deeply rooted in mediaeval 
Europe, that Cathay and China were separate countries, and Cambaluc 
and Peking their respeftive capitals. On the map of Tartary in the 
Theatrum Orbis Terrarum of Ortelius, Cathay is shown as a country 
lying to the north- weft of China, and in the description accompanying 
the map, which du Jarric evidently had in mind, we read : " Eft his 
quoque Cataia Regio, cuius Metropolis eft Cambalu, quae vt Nicolaus 
de Comitibus tradit, duo detrigenta Italica milliaria in ambitu habet, 
aut, vt M. Paulus Venetus scribit, trigenta duo. Quadrata eft forma, 
in singulis angulis arces constructs videntur, quatuor milliariorum 
circuitum habentes, in quibus continufc Imperatoris praesidia sunt." 

Father Ricci's explanation of the name * CambalCi,' if untenable, 
is, at any rate, interesting. In all the Chinese books, he says, the 
Tartars are called Lu. Pa means * the north,' and cam, both in the 
knguage of the Tartars and the Chinese, means * great.' Hence, when 
the Tartar subdued China, he called the city where he established his 
court, Campalu, which name the Saracens of Persia, who found a 
difficulty in pronouncing the letter ' p,' changed to Cambalu. Marco 
Polo, Ricci adds, who was with the Tartars when they conquered China, 
was the first to bring to Europe news of this great kingdom, which he 
spoke of as ' Cataio,' and its capital as * Cambalu ' ; and hence, when 
the Portuguese who went there by sea, brought back news of a kingdom 
called ' Cina,' with its capital ' Pacchino,' the cosmographers of Europe 
at once jumped to the conclusion that ' Cina ' and * Cataio ' were 
different countries ; " per esser gi mutato, vennero i noftri cosmo- 



graph! a fare di un regno doi, 1' uno appresso all' altro, senza potersi 
sino al giorno di hoggi k verita di questo " (Op. Stor.> I, 297). 

3 The Hisloria Qricntalis of Haython the Armenian (Hetoum, 
Prince of Gorigos) was written at the beginning of the fourteenth 
century. His account of Cathay occurs in the first chapter. I take 
the following from the Latin edition published in 1 529 : " Se&a vero 
illius regni gentium viz posset aliquo modo enarrari. Quoniam aliqui 
sunt qui colunt idok de metallo, alij vero boues adorant, qa terra 
kborant, ex qua crescunt frumenta & alia nutritiua. Alij colunt 
magnas arbores, alij naturalia, alij aftronomia, alij Solem colunt, alij 
Luna, alij vero nullam habent fidem vel legem, sed sicut bruta animalia, 
ducunt beftialiter vitam suam." 

4 As will be seen, the merchant's experiences were very simikr to 
those of Brother Goes on his arrival at Suchou (see p. 1 54). 

5 Ghoraghat, in the Dinajpur district of Bengal, is about 120 miles 
north of Calcutta. As Yule points out, the * kingdom ' must mean 
that of Kuch Bihar, concerning which, and the route through it to 
Tibet, see Wessels's Early Jesuit Travellers, p. 124 et seq. 

6 We see from Father Xavier's letters that it was originally intended 
to dispatch a company of Fathers to Cathay with a view to establishing 
a permanent settlement. The change of plan was no doubt due to 
the uncertainty which prevailed regarding not only the whereabouts, 
but the very exigence of the Christians of Cathay. In 1596, Father 
Ricci had written to the General of the Society at Rome bating his firm 
conviction, based on his own careful enquiries, that the names * Cathay ' 
and * China ' denoted one and the same country : " II Cataio, al mio 
parere, non e di altro regno che della Cina ; e quel grande re che lui 
dice non & altro che il re della Cina ; e cosl la Cina, se bene per altro 
nome, e conosciuta tra Tartari e Persiani " (Op. Stor., II, 228). Ricci's 
letter was not regarded as conclusive at Goa ; but it must have carried 
great weight ; and it was evidently in view of his very definite assur- 
ances that the Jesuit authorities decided to defer the dispatch of a fully 
equipped mission until Cathay and its reputed Christian inhabitants 
had been actually discovered. This is confirmed by Father Pimenta's 
letter to the General of the Society dated ist December, 1601, in which, 
in reference to the Cathay Mission, the Father ftated that Brother 
Bento de Goes was to go first " to explore this important affair." 

. In the same report Pimenta Stated that the King of Portugal had 
written to him expressing Strong approval of the proposed mission, and 
he enclosed in his report a copy of the King's letter. In reference to 
Cathay His Majesty wrote, " I was pleased to hear of the discovery of 
that so ancient Christianity in Catayo of which you give me an account, 
of which there was no knowledge before. ... I greatly recommend 
to you that on your part you should find the necessary kbourers for 
maintaining the Christianity of Catayo, and I trust that the Viceroy 



will give you all the favour and help necessary . . . with him and the 
Archbishop of Goa you will discuss this matter, particularly since it 
tends so much to the service of God and mine. . . " I have here 
quoted from the Rev. H. Hoften's translation of Father Pimenta's 
letter (J. and Proc. A.S.B., XXIII, 1927). 

7 These were the three sons of Mirza Shahrukh, who had taken 
refuge at Akbar's court after having been driven out of Badakshan by 
Abdulla Khan, the Usbeg ruler of Bokhara. The children attended 
the school opened at Lahore by the Fathers who conducted the third 
Mission to Akbar's court (see Akbar and the Jesuits, pp. 69 and 239). 
Goes himself served with this Mission, which reached Lahore in May, 
1595, and was doubtless a teacher in the school. Abdulla Khan died 
in 1598, having previously loft mo& of his possessions. Soon after 
his death the people of Badakshan contrived to throw off the Usbeg 
yoke, and gave their allegiance to Mirza Husain, who was, or was 
declared to be, the eldeft son of Shahrukh. The latter died in Malwa 
in 1607, leaving to Jahangir seven more children (four sons and three 
daughters), " of whom," remarks that Emperor, evidently not over- 
pleased with the legacy, " he had made no mention to my father ." 
The boys, he adds, were pkced amongft his confidential servants, and 
the girls were put under the care of the attendants of the zenana. 



1 This chapter is taken from Part II of the Relations (fols. 6ib-65a). 

2 Guerreiro refers to the two travellers Antonio de Payva and Pedro 
de Covilham, who, in the year 1487, were sent by King John II of 
Portugal to search for the kingdom of Prefer John in India. It should 
be remembered that the word * India f had, at this period, a very wide, 
and a very vague, signification. It was often used to denote the East 
generally, including even the eastern parts of Africa. On hearing at 
Aden of a Christian king in Ethiopia, the travellers separated, Payva 
crossing to Africa to investigate the report, whilst Covilham continued 
his journey to India. In 1490, Covilham also made his way to Ethio- 
pia, and the reports which he sent to Portugal furnished conclusive 
evidence that the kingdom of Abyssinia was the kingdom of Prester 
John (see Sir Denison Ross's valuable monograph on Prester John in 
Trove/ and Travellers of the Middle Ages [Kegan Paul, 1926], pp. 172- 
194). No one, however, appears to have paid much attention to 
Covilham's reports, and for many years the erroneous belief, founded 
on the statements of Marco Polo, that the kingdom of Prester John was 
to be looked for in Central Asia, continued to hold its ground in Europe. 
" It was not," says Sir Denison Ross, " until the visit of the British 
traveller Bruce in the eighteenth century that the curtain was fully 
lifted from Prester John's Ethiopian kingdom." 

3 Goes was a member of the third Mission to the court of Akbar, 
which arrived at Lahore in May, 1595. The embassy here referred to 
is that which Akbar dispatched to Goa in May, 1601. Goes accom- 
panied the embassy at Akbar's special request, taking with him a number 
of Portuguese and half-caste children who had fallen into the Emperor's 
hands after the capture of the fortress of Asirgarh (see Akbar and the 
Jesuits, p. 1 1 5). 

4 For an account of Leon Grimon, see Akbar and the Jesuits, pp. 45- 
49, 229. Ricci calls Leon Grimon a priest, but du Jarric, in his 
account of the second Mission to the court of Akbar, refers to him as 

' a subdeacon. This designation is doubtless the correct one, as du 
Jarric took his account from the report, dated November, 1591, of the 
Provincial at Goa. 

Father Xavier was the leader of the third Mission, of which Father 
Pinheiro was also one of the original members. Father Francois 
Corsi joined the Mission in 1600 and Father Machado in 1602. The 
latter travelled from Goa to Agra in company with Goes. 



6 Eanda is the common Persian word for a servant or skve. In 
du Jarric's Hiftoire it is misspelt ' branda,' which, strangely enough, 
puzzled Yule. 

6 The Portuguese used the word ' India ' to denote only that part of 
the country which was in their possession. Both the English and the 
Dutch used the word in a similarly restricted sense. See Hobson- 

7 This is a mistake for * I4th February ' (see the date at the end of 
the letter). In the year 1603 Lent began on February I2th, Easier 
Sunday falling on March 3Oth. 

8 i.e. the river Ravi, on the left bank of which Lahore is situated. 
Though Goes carried his goods across the river on February I4th, the 
caravan did not Start for some days, probably not until the beginning 
of March. See note 10 Infra. 

9 Known to Europeans in Southern India as 'hoppers/ The 
Tamil name for these cakes is apam. They are made of rice flour, and 
resemble the ' chupatties ' of Northern India. 

10 Yule, who used the Latin version of du Jarric's Hitfoire, in which 
the name appears as * Gazaria,' assumed that this distance of 
102 coss is to be measured, not from Lahore, but from Kabul, and that 
Goes was at this time crossing the Hindu Kush in the neighbourhood 
of the Hazara (Kezareh) tribes (Cathay and the Way Thither, IV, 
p. 183). I think, however, there is no doubt that the distance is to 
be measured from Lahore as Goes himself definitely States ; for though 
we do not know the actual date of his letter, he evidently wrote it before 
he could possibly have reached Kabul, or even Peshawar. " We are 
still fasting, taking our food only at night," he says. This important 
little sentence, which du Jarric, who only quotes a few words of the 
letter, omits, tells us that the season of Lent was not yet past. In 1603, 
Easter Sunday fell on the 3Oth March. The letter must, therefore, 
have been written before that date, let us say on the 25th March, by 
which time the caravan might be expected to have covered 102 coss, 
or something over 200 miles. The word ' Gagar ' I take to denote 
the mountainous country of the Ghakkars, lying between the Indus 
and Kashmir, through which the caravan would have to pass on its 
way to Attock, and which at this time constituted a province of the 
Mogul empire. I admit the softened ' c ' of * ' is a difficulty ; 
but it is quite possible that the cedilla is an error. 

Tavernier gives the length of the journey from Lahore to Attock as 
125 coss ; so that Goes must have been within two or three marches of 
Attock when he wrote his letter. In this region, even in the middle 
of March, there might be plenty of snow left on the hills, and the 
nights, especially for those who had to spend them in the open and ill 
provided with shelter, would be bitterly cold. Goes's words do not 
necessarily imply that snow was actually lying on the route. The cold, 



he wrote, was very severe " porque imos correndo as serras que eslao 
cubertas de neve." 

The fad that a letter written at Lahore on the 4th March reached 
Goes on the 7th (these dates are not given by du Jarric), indicates that 
though the Brother carried his goods across the river on the I4th 
February, some days, perhaps a fortnight or more, must have ekpsed 
before the caravan Parted. If it had Parted on the I4th February, 
Pinheiro would hardly have attempted to write to Goes on the 4th 
March ; and had he done so, the letter would not have overtaken him 
in three days. 



1 This chapter is from Part IV of the Relations (fols. i64a-i66b). 

2 Goes reached Yarkand in November, 1603 (vide p. 152). We 
have no reason to doubt the correctness of this date, which must have 
been taken from Goes's notes. Ricci, it is true, mentions it, as Wessels 
observes, " very cautiously " : " Pare che questa arrivata fu 1' istesso 
anno di 1603 in novembre " (Of. Stor., I, 536). Ricci's caution, how- 
ever, is not surprising, since, by his own misreckoning, Goes was still 
at Kabul in November, 1603 (see note 6, p. 174). 

3 Ricci says the present included a silver watch : " II fratello Bene- 
detto fu a visitare il re di Cascar per nome Mahamethan, il gli diede un 
bello presente di un horiuolo di ferro per portare al collo, specchi di 
vitrio et altri cose di Europa, con che stette molto contento e fu sempre 
suo amico e fautore " (Opere Storiette, I, 539). 

The identification of * Mahamethan ' with Muhammad Sultan, the 
son of Abdul Rashid Khan of Kashgar {Cathay and the Way Thither, 
IV, 191), is doubtless correct. Muhammad Sultan had been 
Governor of Yarkand whilst his brother, Abdul Karim, was reigning 
at Kashgar. After his accession, he assumed the tide ' Khan,' and 
appears to have transferred the seat of government to Yarkand. He 
was, says Mirza Muhammad Haidar, " a wealthy prince and a good 
Musulman. He persisted in following the road of justice and equity, 
and was so unremitting in his exertions, that during his blessed reign 
most of the tribes of the Moghuls became Musulmans. It is well 
known what severe measures he had recourse to in bringing the Moghuls 
to be believers in Islam. If, for instance, a Moghul did not wear a 
turban, a horse-shoe nail was driven into his head ; and treatment of 
this kind was common (may God recompense him with good) " 
(Tarikh-i-Rashidi, tr. Sir D. Ross, p. 58). Goes's description of the 
manner in which the people of Yarkand were driven to their prayers 
(pp. 142-3), is all in accord with what the author of the Tarikh-i- 
Rashidi tells us of Muhammad Khan. Of the Khan's nephew, the 
Prince of Khotan, I can find no mention, either in the Tarikh-i-Rashidi, 
or elsewhere. 

* This occurred whilst the Brother was at Kabul (vide p. 150). 
Ricci says that Goes advanced the Queen 600 gold pieces, which he 
raised by selling some of his goods, and that the Queen subsequently 
repaid him in pieces of jade, " pietra di iaspe, molto fina, che e k 
migliore mercanlia che di Casar portano alia Cina." Khotan has 



always been famous for its jade, which was, and is still regarded as finer 
than that found in any other locality. The Queen was at this time on 
her way back to her country after having performed the hajj> or pil- 
grimage to Mecca. It was on this account that she was ftyled Hajji 
Khartum, " the Lady of the Pilgrimage." The best that Guerreiro 
can make of this title is * Acchanam.' Du Jarric follows Guerreiro's 
spelling ; but in the Latin version of the Hifioire, Mattia Martinez, 
to make the disguise more complete, gives us ' Ahe-haxam.' Ricci gets 
a little nearer the mark with * Age Hanem ' : " Chiamavasi questa 
signora Age Hanem ; Age e soprannomo de' Saraceni che sono andati 
afia Mecca, come sarebbe tra noi beato, e veniva allora dalla Mecca." 
The lady, we are told later, was sister to the King of Kashgar (whose 
capital was at this time at Yarkand), and mother of the ruler of the 
subsidiary kingdom of Khotan, who appears to have been regarded as 
heir-apparent to the throne of Kashgar. Khotan, which Goes visited 
before he left Yarkand, lies about 1 80 miles south-east of the latter city. 
The Brother went there, Ricci tells us, to get his loan repaid by the 
Queen. The trip occupied him a month. 

It appears from Father Xavier's letter of September 6th, 1604, that 
the Queen, after reaching Badakshan, attached herself to, and completed 
her journey with the caravan with which Goes was travelling. Xavier 
wrote that the only news he had received from the Brother was that he 
had passed safely through the kingdom of Badakshan, which was much 
disturbed with wars. He had been sick with fever, as had also the 
Armenian Isaac ; but at the time of writing he was sufficiently recovered 
to continue his journey. The passage in Xavier's letter is as follows : 
" Do Irmao Bento de Gois tenho pouco q escreuer, a ultima noua 
q delle temos he que nos chegou hua carta delle do reyno de Badaciao 
que he fora dos reynos deste Rey Acabar, quando chegou aquelle reyno 
adoeceo de febre elle e hu moc/o armenio q leuaua, mas ja q eftaua 
sao quando escreueo e para partir e yr auante, estaua aquella terra de- 
senquieta com guerros mas passarao, e despois nos chegou noua de auer 
chegado aquella S ora que hia em aquella cafila (em a qual o Irmao 
hia como encoftado) ao reyno de Casgar donde ella era e governa seu 
Irmao. Confiamos em D s que chegaria o Irmao com saude com elk, 
e daly nao he muito longe o ? ? do Catayo. Os trabalhos que leua D s 
n. S or guarde e traga com saude e bom despacho." 

5 The manner of enforcing the practices of Islam had not greatly 
changed when Robert Shaw visited Yarkand in 1 869. " The Kazee," 
he wrote, " or religious magistrate, always perambulates the Greets 
with his satellites, like a Cambridge proctor with his bull-dogs. They 
are armed with a peculiar kind of broad leather strap, attached to a 
short wooden handle, and with this &rap they castigate all men who 
are found without turbans, and all women without veils. When they 
are seen coming everybody scuttles out of the way, lest some fault 



should be found with them " (High Tartary, Yarkand* and Kashgar, 
p. 466). 

6 In Portuguese di&ionaries the meaning given to ' Caciz ' (Arabic 
KashisK] is a Muhammadan priest, or mulla, and in this sense it is used 
by the Jesuit writers, though the proper signification of the Arabic 
word is a " Christian presbyter." The word is to be met with in 
numerous guises, casts, caxis, cashish, etc. See Hobson-Jobson, p. 169, 
and Cathay and the Way T hither , IV, p. 223. 

7 A very optimise estimate, as Goes found out ere he recommenced 
his journey. We learn from Father Xavier's letter of September, 1 606, 
that on the day before his departure from Yarkand Goes again wrote 
to his friends in India. In this letter he said that another eight months 
must ekpse before he could reach Cathay. He was well, he wrote, 
and though known to be a Chri&ian, he had on the whole met with 
friendly treatment. In the same letter he expressed his grief at losing 
the companionship of Demetrius, who, being unable to take his mer- 
chandise into Cathay, had returned to India. On many occasions he 
had been a friend in need to Goes, and they had parted with mutual 
regret. Xavier adds that Demetrius reached Lahore just after the 
death of Akbar [i.e. at the end of Oftober, 1605], Insurredtions, 
following on the King's death, had made travelling a dangerous business, 
and before reaching Lahore, the caravan to which Demetrius had 
attached himself was obliged to take refuge in a fortress to which a body 
of insurgents laid siege. After rendering valuable assistance to the 
Captain of the place, Demetrius managed to escape, and found his 
way to Lahore and thence to Agra, where he took up his abode with 
a Greek friend who lived near the Fathers. Not many days kter he 
fell sick, and, after a lingering illness, died peacefully in his friend's 
house, having made his will, and with the Fathers at hand to administer 
the last rites, and speed his parting soul. The passage in Xavier's 
letter runs as follows : 

" Ja tenho escritto os anos atras da yda do Fr. Bento de Gois por o 
Catayo, ouvera oito dez meses que nos vierao cartas delle da cidade de 
Yarcand corte de reino de Casgar que esta ja perto de Catayo [a word, 
or words, missing here] alguns meses, e quando escreuia eftaua para 
partir o dia seguinte daly e dizem que ainda ha de esperar oito meses 
antes que chega ao Catayo porque se esperaua que tornasse hua caffila 
do Catayo por essa outra poder passar. Elle vai com saude conhecido 
por Xtao e nao mal quisto. Alguns mouros vierao a Agra que o deixe- 
rao k e nos dauao muitos certos sinais delle e muito boas nouas. Agora 
esta o bom peregrino mais so 'o que nunca onde mais auia mester com- 
panhia, mas Deos Ihe fara como costuma aos que por seu amor se priuao 
de humana consokcao. Digo que esta mais so'o por que hum Grego 
mercador que daqui foi com elle e o acompanhou ate a dita cidade de 
Yarcand e o ajudou muito bem com emprestimos e outras ajudas final te 



como ja no Ihe armaua por sua mercancia passar ao Catayo se despedio 
delle ncando ambos com bem de saudades mutuas, e como o bem ditto 
S * dixe qui recipitjuStum in nomine jufli mercedcm juSli accipict pagolhc 
muito misericordios te esta boa comp a que ao ditto Fr. fizera, por que 
no caminho a vinda o livrou de graves perigos, hum delles foi que ja 
quando e&aua perto de Labor ouvindose a noua da morte do Rey Aqbar 
muitos se aleuantarSo em muitas partes, e entre elles o fiqerSo huns de 
junto do porto onde hauia de vir esta cafila com quern elle vinha, ou- 
veraose de recolher a hua fortaleza onde os poserSo de cerqo e elle com 
seu gente ajudou muito bem ao Capitao della e quando todos cuidauamos 
ser aly tornado e morto, escapou e veo a saluamento com seu fato deixa- 
ndo boa parte do seu outros que vinhlo com elle, veo a Lahor e daly 
ate Agra onde eando ja como em sua casa descansando na de hum 
Grego grande seu amigo casado pegado a nos adoecea de hua doenga 
vagarosa ordena sua alma a fazenda, e morra com todos los sacr 05 
recebidos com o p ra a cabeceira e com te&amento feito em casa de 
hum tanto seu amigo que nao auia mais, de tudo isso carecera em 
qualquer outra parte que morrera, mas nao quis o S or Deos que morresse 
entre mouros desconokdo quern tanto boa comp a fizera em tarn 
trabalhossos caminhos a seu seruo." 

In his letter of August 8th, 1607, Xavier ftated that Goes had written 
from Yarkand giving an account of his reception and treatment by the 
King, and of the good arrangements that had been made for the con- 
tinuation of his journey. In the same letter Father Xavier says that 
further news had been brought to him by some merchants who had 
met the Brother at Yarkand : " Alguns mercadores vierSo aqui que o 
conhecerSo la e por amor delle nos vinhao buscar, e nos deziao delle 
muitos louvores." A letter had also been received from a Christian 
servant of the King at Kabul, who wrote that he had learnt from a 
Moorish merchant of Goes's safe departure from Yarkand. The same 
merchant, he said, was bringing letters from the Brother for the Padres 
at Lahore. That numerous letters, of which we have no knowledge, 
must have been sent to India by Goes during the earlier part of his 
pilgrimage is evident from the following passage in Xavier's letter : 

As cartas que delle temos sao quasi de dous annos, ja mandai a V.R. 
os que Ihe vinhao ; com esta mando alguns que vierao para mim por 
elks saberSo os trabalhos que passou e os perigos em que se viu. D 
n* S or o guarde e traja com bem." What has become of these letters ? 
Have they all perished, or is there a chance that some of them may yet 
be brought to light ? What, again, has become of Goes's mutilated 
diary, which Ricci must surely have preserved ? 

8 This personage I take to have been a brother, and probably the 
successor, of king Tsewang Namgyal, who ruled overLadakh in Western 
Tibet, from 1530 to 1560. Tsewang Namgyal died childless; but 
he left two brothers, the elder named Gonpo Namgyal, and the younger 



Jamyang Namgyal (sec Dr. A. H. Francke's History of WeSem Tibet, 
p. 91). From the dates given in the ' records/ it would seem that 
Tsewang Namgyal was succeeded by Jamyang Namgyal, who is said 
to have reigned from 1660 to 1690. Why Gonpo did not succeed is 
not ftated. Gonpo's name is, however, to be found in what is known 
as the Domkhar inscription (see Dr. Francke's Ladvags rGyalrabs, or 
Chronicles of Ladakh, published in the Journal and Proceedings of 
Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. VI, 1910), and according to this in- 
scription it appears that Gonpo Namgyal adually did come to the 
throne in 1660, and reigned for a short time. How he loft his king- 
dom, or what subsequently befell him, we are not told ; in fact, the only 
other information we possess about him is that which is here provided 
by Guerreiro, assuming, that is to say, that he was the * Gombuna 
Miguel * whom Goes met at Yarkand, and there does not seem to be 
anyone else who meets the case. The title namgyal, " the altogether 
vi&orious," was borne by a long line of kings of Ladakh. The first 
to hold it was Lhachen Bhagan (1470-1 500), who is called the founder 
of the namgyal fyna&y. In 1603 Ladakh was ruled by Senge Namgyal, 
the son of Jamyang Namgyal, and nephew of Gonpo. He reigned, 
we are told, from 1590 to 1630 ; but, as Dr. Francke observes, little 
reliance is to be placed on the dates given in the Chronicles. 

9 ' Angil ' is perhaps for kanjur, the name of one of the two collec- 
tions of the Buddhist Canon in Tibetan. 

10 In his Notes on Bro. Bento de Goes, published in the Journal and 
Proceedings, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. XXIII, 1927, the Rev. H. 
Hosten gives the translation of a letter written by Father Nichoks 
Trigault on December 24th, 1607, in which reference is made to one 
of the letters sent to India by Goes whilst on his way to * Cathay.' 
According to Trigault, Goes says that " he has reliable information 
that in that great Empire of Cathay there are great veftiges of Chris- 
tianity ; for they have mitred Bishops, confer baptism, keep Lent, and 
the priests observe celibacy, and other such proofs of our Christianity. 
He learned all these things from a physician, who was a captive in the 
hands of the Turks, and said that he would write to us soon more 
certain and reliable news about it." There cannot, I think, be any 
doubt that the captive physician here referred to is to be identified with 
the Tibetan dodfcor, Lunrique, mentioned in the text, and that Trigault 
was miftaken in supposing that the information which he gave Goes 
related to Cathay. 

11 * Botelhana ' is apparently a corruption of but-hhana, the Persian 
word for an idol-temple, or pagoda. I can offer no explanation of the 
word * ito-lama.' 

12 This is probably the Tibetan word kon-chog, signifying 'the 
Most High,' or ' God.' 



1 This chapter, taken from Part V of the Relations (fols. 23a-27b), 
is based on Father Ricci's letter to the General at Rome written at the 
end of the year 1607 (see Introduction, p. xxv). 

a This date, evidently taken from Ricci's letter, is incorrect; the 
same mistake occurs in the Commentary (Op. Stor., I, 529). We know 
from Goes's letter of the 3oth December, 1602, which Guerreiro has 
himself quoted, that he left Agra on the 29th of O&ober of that year. 

3 Guerreiro is following Ricci, who makes the journey from Lahore 
to Attock occupy three and three-quarter months, made up as follows : 

From Lahore to Attock I month. 

Halt at Attock 2 weeks. 

Halt after crossing the Indus ... ... ... 5 days. 

Remainder of journey to Peshawar ... ... 2 months. 

The time given for the journey to Attock may be accepted as ap- 
proximately correct ; for we know that before the end of March the 
caravan was passing through the province of Ghakkar, on the western 
border of which Attock is situated. But the two months allotted to 
the journey from the Indus to Peshawar is an obvious error, the distance 
being about thirty miles. Yule suggests that " it may have been 
entered in Goes's notes as ' II mensil ' (Persian manzil, a Wage or march), 
and that this was understood by the Italians as * II menses* " (Cathay 
and the Way Thither, IV, 181). Whatever the explanation, the 
distance must have been covered in two or three days. We may, 
therefore, safely assume that Goes reached Peshawar in less than two 
months after his departure from Lahore. 

4 The country of Kafiriftan, for an account of which see Cathay and 
the Way Thither, IV, 204, lies to the north of the Kabul valley, Wretch- 
ing to the southern slopes of the Hindu Kush, and to the borders of 
Kashmir. The Statement in the text that the caravan with which 
Goes travelled entered Kafiristan is doubtless incorrect. In the 
Comment arj we read that, after leaving Peshawar, " they proceeded to 
another small town where they fell in with a certain pilgrim and devotee, 
from whom they learned that at a distance of thirty days' journey there 
was a city called Capperstam, &c." The exact spot where this halt 
was made cannot be determined. Yule supposed it to be at Jalalabad 
(athay> IV, 206). Ricci's narrative, however, suggests that the 
caravan had not traversed more than a third of the distance between 



Peshawar and Kabul (about 180 miles) ; whereas Jalalabad is 80 miles 
from Peshawar. We are told also that the caravan had reached a 
" small town " (luogo piccolo), which hardly seems to indicate Jalalabad. 
I should, therefore, be inclined to pkce the halt nearer to Peshawar, 
possibly at Basawal. Jahangir halted at Basawal when on his way to 
Kabul in 1607, and also at Jagdalak. 

5 Jagdalak is about sixty miles by road from Kabul. Shahamat Ali, 
who passed through the place in 1839, says: "A grove of mulberry 
trees denotes this place. Formerly there was a fort, and the Afghan 
monarchs on their way from and to Kabul used to camp here " (SMAs 
and Afghans, p. 460). Ricci spells the name * Ghideli.' For the 
identification with Jagdalak, see Cathay, IV, 206. 

6 Ricci's figures are again impossible. Indeed, our main difficulty 
in connection with the travels of Goes is to reconcile the known dates 
with the * times ' given in the itinerary as presented in the Commentary. 
We know, for example, that the Brother left Lahore at the beginning of 
March, 1603, and that he reached Yarkand in November of the same 
year. His journey to that city, therefore, occupied between eight and 
nine months. And yet, as Yule has pointed out, if we add up the times 
of the marches and halts given in Ricci's itinerary, we reach a total of 
close on two years. Ricci had to rely for his information on the sal- 
vaged portions of Goes's diary, and the memory of his servant Isaac. 
Now it is impossible to suppose that Isaac could have kept in his head 
the times of all the halts and all the marches in a journey of nearly two 
years, with a gap of another two years before he was cross-examined on 
the subject. We must therefore conclude that the actual figures given 
by Ricci were the figures of Bento de Goes ; for if not, whose were 
they ? And being the figures of Goes himself, we are justified in 
assuming that they are approximately accurate. But if the dates on 
Goes's letters are correct, which we cannot doubt, and if the figures 
taken from his diary are also correct, we can only conclude that in many 
cases these latter figures do not denote what Ricci supposed them to 
denote. Let us look at his time-table of the journey between Peshawar 
and Kabul. The time spent in actual travel was as follows : 

Peshawar to the first halt 20 days. 

First halt to Jagdakk 25 

Jagdalak to Kabul 20 

Total 65 days. 

Peshawar is 180 miles from Kabul, so that the rate of travelling 
averaged well under three miles a day, which is absurd. It is manifest, 
therefore, that the above numbers do not denote days. I would go 
a step further, and suggest that they do not denote time at all, but 



diftance. Assuming this to be the case, and assuming that Goes cal- 
culated his distances in Jegoas, or leagues, our table would mean that 
the journey from Peshawar to Kabul was one, not of sixty-five days, 
but of sixty-five leagues, which is near enough to 1 80 miles to be classed 
as approximately correct. And this is not the only section of Goes's 
journey where the substitution of leagues for days supplies what is at 
any rate a reasonable solution of Ricci's inexplicable figures. After 
leaving Kabul, the caravan proceeded, via Charikar and the Parwan 
pass, to Talikhan, a town on the river Ak-sarai, a branch of the Oxus. 
The distance in a direct line from Parwan to Talikhan is 112 miles ; 
but, owing to the nature of the country, the route traversed was prob- 
ably a good deal nearer two hundred miles than one. We do not 
know the actual line followed by the caravan ; but in any case the 
journey can hardly have taken sixty days (not counting halts), as Ricci 
would have us believe (Parwan to Aingharan, 20 days ; Aingharan to 
Calcia, 1 5 days ; Calcia to Gialalabath, 10 days ; Gialalabath to Talhan, 
15 days : total, 60 days). On the other hand, it may very well have 
been a journey of sixty leagues. Again, we are told that from lakonich 
(Yaka-arik), where the last halt was made before reaching Yarkand, 
Goes went on in advance of the caravan and, according to Ricci, reached 
Yarkand in five days. The diftance in this case was fifteen miles, or 
five leagues. 

It may of course be mere coincidence that in the instances I have 
given the word ' league * suits the context better than * days.' I do 
not, therefore, claim to have established my theory, which I put forward 
only as a possible explanation of some of the difficulties which Ricci's 
itinerary presents. In many cases Goes did give the length of marches 
in days, more particularly during the last half of his pilgrimage. 
Ricci's mistake lay in supposing that his figures represented days in 
every case. 

The time specified for the halt at a particular pkce is often quite as 
puzzling as the time said to have been taken in reaching it. On the 
journey from Peshawar to Kabul, for example, we are told that twenty 
days were spent at the first halt mentioned, and no less than eight months 
at Kabul. A way-side halt of twenty days, a similar period having 
already been spent at Peshawar " for needful repose," seems very 
unlikely ; while eight months at Kabul would take us well into the year 
1604, by which time Goes was comfortably writing letters in Yarkand. 
One is tempted to suggest ' hours ' for * days,' and * weeks * for 
* months.' In fact, as the Brother was not equipped with an aeroplane, 
it is only by some assumption of this kind that we can make head or 
tail of his wanderings. 

7 Cf. Op. Star., I, 532 : " Di quisto loro ritorno a Lahor il prete 
Leone Grimano, non potendo sopportare i disagi di si lungo cammino 
e P altro compagno Demetrio ne rest& in quella cita." Demetrius 



subsequently rejoined Goes at Yarkand, but did not accompany him 
beyond that city. 

8 Charikar is 40 miles due north of Kabul on the southern slopes of 
the Hindu Kush. In his letter of September 6th, 1 604, Father Xavier, 
referring to a letter from Goes written from the kingdom of Badakshan, 
which lies on the north of the Hindu Kush, says that it was after reach- 
ing this kingdom that the Brother fell sick (adoeceo defevre). 

9 Chcgarao a Calca terra de homes ruiuos & louros. It will be noticed 
that Calca is referred to as a terra, a * land.' The passage must, there- 
fore, mean, not that the caravan halted at a place called Calca, but 
that it had entered the Calca (Galcha) country. The Galchas are 
the inhabitants of the mountainous parts of Badakshan and the more 
easterly districts of Shignan, Wakhan and Sarikol (vide Sir D. Ross's 
translation of the Tarikh-i-Rashidi, p. 220). The fair hair and com- 
plexions of the Galchas have been remarked on by other travellers, 
including Sir Aurel Stein, who compares them in this respect to the 
Chitralis (Ruins of Desert Cathay, I, 33). After Talikhan, the next 
halting place mentioned is Chescan (Teshkan), about 50 miles further 
east. The caravan must, therefore, have passed through the heart of 
the Galcha country. Trigault wrote ' Cheman ' for Chescan in his 
Latin version of the Commentary, and it is only since the discovery and 
publication of the latter work that the direction taken by the caravan 
after leaving Talikhan has been known. From Chescan onwards our 
traveller's route is a matter of conjecture, until we pick up his tracks 
again in the Sarikol district on the eastern side of the Pamir plateau. 
According to the Commentary, his route across the plateau lay through 
Tenghi Badascian (the Badakshan defile) to Ciarciunar, and thence 
over a fteep mountain called Sacrithima to Serpanil, after which Sarikol 
was reached in twenty days. But, with the exception of Serpanil 
which, as Yule ftates, is probably for Sir-i-Pamir, " The head or top 
of Pamir," none of these pkces has been satisfactorily identified. 

10 c Tomou h ua touca de pre?o, & metendo Ihe hua pedra a lancou 
mais longe que pode." In his memoirs Ricci says it was the turban 
which he was wearing that Goes threw away : " II fratello, pigliando il 
turbante che portava nelk testa a guisa degli armenij di tela della 
India, lo Ianci6 quanto longi potette " (Of. Stor., I, 534). Du Jarric 
transfers the epithet ' precious ' from the turban to the Stone, and 
makes the passage run, " il jette sa toque avec une pierre de grand prix 
qu'il y auoit." Wessels follows du Jarric and writes, " He took his 
Armenian cap, in which a precious Stone glittered, flinging it, etc." 
The text account seems to me the most probable. I picture Brother 
Benedict trudging manfully along beside his lagging beast, the ktter 
kden with his wares. From these, as the robbers come in sight, he 
snatches a " costly turban," and folding a pebble in it to give it weight, 
flings it far behind him, in the hope of Staying his pursuers. The 

177 M 


robbers pounce on the prize, and whilst they wrangle over its possession, 
the Brother scrambles up behind his pack, and urging his reluctant 
Pegasus into an unaccustomed gallop succeeds in rejoining his fellow- 

11 This looks like another of Ricci's blunders. We know that by 
the beginning of August, 1605, Goes had reached Turfan, some two 
hundred miles beyond Chalis (Kara-shahr) ; for we are told (Op. Stor., 
I, 547) that he left Turfan on the 4th September, having ftayed there 
a month. That being so, he cannot have left Chalis much later than 
the middle of July. He must, therefore, have reached that city, where 
he spent three months, before the middle of April, or within five months 
of his departure from Yarkand. 

Chalis was reached after a twenty-five days' journey from Cucia 
(Kuchar), where a halt of a month had taken place. Kuchar must, 
therefore, have been reached by about the middle of February. Be- 
tween this city and Yarkand we are sure of only one halting-place, 
namely Aksu, which was reached twenty-five days after leaving Yar- 
kand (i.e. on December 9th, 1604). Of the journey from Aksu to 
Kuchar we have no details beyond a ftring of unrecognisable names. 

From Turfan Goes went on to Camul (Kumul or Kami), where he 
arrived on the xyth O6tober. After renting for a month, he again set 
forth, and eventually reached Suchou at the end of the month of 

Thus, taking into consideration only the halting-places that have 
been definitely located, the time-table of Goes's journey between 
Yarkand and Su-chou works out approximately as follows : 

Yarkand . . . dep. November 14. ^ 

Aksu arr. December 9. Halt of 1 5 days. \ 1 604 

dep. December 24. J 

Kuchar (Cucia) ... arr. mid-February. Halt of i month. 

dep. mid-March. 
Kara-shahr (Chalis) arr. mid-April. Halt of 3 months. 

dep. mid-July. 
Turfan arr. August 4 (circ.). Halt of I month. \ 1605 

dep. September 4. 
Hami (Camul) ... arr. Oftober 17. Halt of I month. 

dep. November 17. 
Su-chou arr. end of December. 

Regarding the identification of Chalis with Kara-shahr, the reader 
is referred to Yule's convincing note on the subject (CatAay and the 
Way Thither, IV, 234), and to the Tarikh-i-Ra*hidi (Introd., 
p. 99). According to the latter work, Kara-shahr, the ancient Chinese 
name of which was Yen-Id, was, in the days of Mirza Haidar, known as 



Chalis. This would seem to put the identification beyond doubt. 
Chalis is shown on the map of Tartary in the Theatrum Qrbis Terrarum 
and also on Ogilby's map of Asia (1672)9 where it is spelt ( Chialis' ; 
but for purposes of identification these early maps are of little 

12 In his letter of March 8th, 1608, to the General of the Society, 
Ricci refers to this incident as follows : " Nel mezzo del viaggio s* incon- 
tr6 con certi Mori, che erano venuti dal Cataio, e ftettero con noi 
quell' anno che arrivassimo a Pachino et il seguente 1601 dentro d'un 
palazzo dove ftanno tutti i fora&ieri che vengono col nome de imbascia- 
tori alia Cina. Questi gli diedero nova di noi, e per pifc certezza gli 
moftrorno in una carta scritto non so che in no&ra lettera, che avevano 
raccolto avanti la nostra porta, e per questo venne da 11 a cominciare 
ad intendere che potevamo esser noi e che il Cataio era l f iftessa Cina " 
(Op. Stor., II, 348). 

13 Cf. Commentary, I, p. 547 : " Allo spedire di quefta patente, 
stando presenti suoi letterati e cazissi, gli demand 6 il signore della 
terra se aveva da scrivere in essa il nome di chri&iano, cioe della legge 
di Giesu. Repose il fratello Benedetto che si, e che scrivesse Abdulla 
Isai, cioe Abdulla della legge di Giesu, perche come christiano era passato 
per tutto quello cammino e come tale lo voleve finire." Ricci men- 
tions this ' patent ' in the lisl he gives of the possessions of Goes which 
eventually came into his hands. These included, he says, " le tre 
patenti che portava con gli sigilli del re di Cascar, del Signer di Cotan, 
e del Signore di Cialis " (Op. Stor., I, 557). 

14 The Great Wall was reached at ' Chiaicuon ' (Chiayu-Kuan, or 
the "Barrier of the Pleasant Valley"), about 25 miles from Suchou. 
The time ftated to have been occupied in travelling from Hami to 
Chiayu-Kuan is clearly incorrect. The distance between the two 
pkces is 535 kilometres, or roughly 335 miles, a journey which must 
have taken at least three weeks, and probably more, for we are told that 
as the road was infested with brigands the caravan travelled only at 
night. Chiayu-Kuan cannot, therefore, have been reached much 
before the middle of December. In the next paragraph we are told 
that the caravan was kept waiting for twenty-five days before being 
allowed to pass the * barrier.* This musl likewise be a miftake, since 
we know that Goes arrived at Suchou before the end of December. 
In both cases the figures are Ricci's. The sentence in the Commentary 
is, " Di Camtol [Hami] in nove giorni arrivorno ai muri settentrionale 
del regno della Cina, in un luogo detto Chiaicuon, dove ftettero aspeN 
tando vinticinque giorni, sino che si diede nuova di loro al vicere o 
tutano" It almost looks as though, by some error, the words neve 
and vinticinque had been interchanged, and that it was the journey 
which occupied twenty-five days, and the halt at Chiayu-Kuan nine. 
It will be remembered that Goes's diary reached Ricci in fragments. 



To fit these together mu have been an extremely difficult task, and one 
in which a miftake, such as I have here suggested, might very easily 
have occurred. 

16 It was doubtless with this letter that Ricci sent the Provincial 
his first account of Goes's travels, written, as he states in his letter quoted 
on p. xxv, after Brother Fernandez had come back from Su-chou. 
The Brother, accompanied by Isaac, reached Peking on the 28th of 
Odober, 1607 (Of. Stor., I, 556). 

16 i.e. the Tao-tai, or provincial governor. Ricci gives his title as 
* tutan,' which he says is equivalent to ' viceroy ' : " E, per quanto tuttu 
il governo delle provincie fuora della corte e subordinate alia corte di 
Pacchino, per questa causa sopra tutti questi mandarini in ogni pro- 
vincia, vi sono altri doi magistrati supremi della corte, uno che sempre 
resiede nella provincia, che si chiama tutan, 1' altro che ogn' anno vieni 
di Pacchino e si chiama ciaiuen. 

II tutan, per avere grande potere sopra i magistrati e sudditi e inten- 
dere ne' soldati e cose principali dello statto risponde al nostro offitio 
di vicere. II ciaiuen & come un commissario " (Op. Stor., I, 42). 

17 The town of Su-chou is in the province of Kansu, and is distant 
about 25 miles from Chiayu-Kuan, and 120 miles from Kan-chou, 
the head-quarters of the province, where the viceroy resided. If Ricci 
is to be trusted, both Su-chou and Kan-chou belonged, in his day, to 
the province of Shen-si. 

This letter, being insufficiently addressed, was never delivered. 
In March, 1606, Goes wrote another, which reached its declination 
eight months later, vide Ricci's letter of March 8th, 1608 : " Come nfc 
sapeva il luogo della nostra casa, n& il nome in lingua cina, non ci 
seppe fare il soprascritto che era necessario ; pure scrisse doi o tre lettere 
al meglio che potette e, volsi Iddio, che una doppo di otto mesi mi 
venisse alii mani, e fu nel principio del mese di novembre dell' anno 
1606 (Op. Stor., II, 348). 

In a letter to the General of the Society dated i8th O&ober, 1607, 
Ricci had already mentioned the receipt of Goes's letter, and the dis- 
patch of a Brother to his assistance ; but at that time he had had no 
tidings of the Brother, though nearly a year had elapsed since his de- 
parture, and he evidently wrote in some anxiety. The passage in the 
letter runs : " II fratello Benedetto Goes, che i superior! dell' India 
mandarono sei anni sono [as Father Venturi points out in a foot-note, 
it was a&ually less than five years ago] per la via di Mogor a scoprire 
il Cataio, &a gia alle porte della Cina nella provincia di Xanti, d' onde 
k Quaresima del 606 scrisse alii padri di Pachino di non aver trovato 
altro Cataio che questo regno, e che gli mandassero istruttione per 
potere andare a trovarli, perche la compagnia, con la quale era venuto, 
dovea al solito trattenersi la due anni, avanti che la lasciassero passare 
a Pachino. Gli mandarono i padri subito un fratello col necessario 



per il viaggio di quattro mesi tra 1' andare e il ritornare ; gi e quasi 
1' anno che parti per quelle parti il fratello di qua, e fin' ora non ne abbiamo 
nuova alcuna. La lettera di Benedetto si manda per via dell 9 India, 
d' onde quei padri informeranno V.P. piu particolarmente di questo 
negotio proprio di quelk provincia (Of. Stor., II, 327). Fernandez 
and Isaac arrived at Peking ten days after the dispatch of this letter. 

19 This is a mistake. Demetrius managed to get as far as Yarkand ; 
but Grimon, as we know, fell out at Kabul. 

20 Fernandez reached Su-chou on the 3ist March, having set out 
from Peking on the 1 2th December of the preceding year. In his 
letter of March 8th, 1608, to the General at Rome, Ricci wrote : 
" Dessimo al fratello Giovanni 1' ordine di quello che aveva da fare 
e danari sufficient! per menar seco a questa corte il fratel Benedetto. 
Part? a 1 2 decembre, ma quando li arriv6, che fu 1* ultimo giorno di 
marzo dell' anno 1607, ftava il fratello molto infermo di pifo di un mese 
de infirmita, causata da travagli che i Mori gli davano in questa terra, 
sopra quei che aveva patito in si lungo viaggio e da H a dieci giorno 
moritte " (Of. Stor., II, 349). The death of Goes is placed on the 
same date, i.e. April loth, in Ricci's letter of August 22nd, 1608 ; but 
in the Memoirs it is Stated to have occurred eleven days after Fernandes' 
arrival at Su-chou (ibid., I, 533), which accords with the date given 
in the text. 

21 Yule (Cathay and the Way Thither, IV, p. 172) has the following 
note on this pkce : " Kolechi, a small port of Travancore, which Fra 
Paolino will have to be the Colchi of the Periplus. It has dropped out 
of our modern maps." 

22 This miracle is described, with additional details, in the Qriente 
Conquiftado of Francisco de Sousa (Vol. II, pp. 258-259), and the &ory 
also appears in the Annua Litter* Soc. Jesu of the year 1583 (vide 
the Rev. H. Hoften's Notes on Ero. Bento de Goes, referred to on p. 172). 

This paragraph contains pra&ically all that we know of Benedict 
Goes prior to his joining the Society. In his Early Jesuit Travellers 
(p. 7), the Rev. C. Wessels Slates, on the authority of the Annua Litera 
Provincite Goan& for the year 1609, that Goes entered the noviciate 
of Goa in February, 1 584, being then twenty-three years of age ; but 
that before completing his two years' noviceship " he quitted and went 
to Ormuz. Regret soon followed, and on applying he was again 
admitted, and by the end of March or the beginning of April, 1588, 
being twenty-six years old, he was a novice once more." In the list 
of members of the mission-province of Goa, dated 3ist December, 
1588, his name is entered as follows : " Benito de Goes, Portugues de 
k Isla de Sant' Miguel, de k Vilk Franca, Obispado de Angra ; de 
26 afios ; robusto ; de nueve meses de k Companhia " (ibid., p. 7 note). 
The question whether ' Goes ' was a real or an assumed name is fully 
discussed in the same work (pp. 8-10). 


23 This evidently means Ricci's letter of the I2th November, 1607, 
which Guerreiro has already mentioned (p. 155)9 and which con- 
stituted his chief authority for this chapter (see Introduction, p. zxv). 

24 The collapse of the prosecution is thus described by Ricci in his 
letter of August 22nd, 1608 : " Quello che dette il tratto alia bilancia 
fu che, allegando i Mori che Isaac era Moro, e che il cataio T aveva 
ingannato, forno [i.e. Fernandes] un giorno al governatore con pifo di 
trenta Mori, e port6 il fratello carne di porco, e, avanti a tutti i Mori 
cominciorno a mangiarla, e 1' iStesso fece Isaac ; con il qual spettacolo 
cominciorno tutti i Mori a sputare et anatemattizzargH et si uscirno 
tutti dalla audientia uno dietro all 9 altro, et il governatore rest& chiarito 
di non essere Isaac Moro " (Op. Star., II, 351). 

25 These particulars about the captain of the Dutch ship are not 
given by Ricci, who merely States that Isaac's ship was captured by 
Dutch pirates in the Straits of Singapore, and that he was ransomed by 
the Portuguese of Malacca : " Et, essendosi Isac imbarcato per passare 
all 9 India e da li ritornare al Mogore, dove Stava sua moglie e figliuoli, 
fu presa la barca da' corsari olandesi nello Stretto di Sincapure e, riscatta- 
to da quei di Makcca, arriv5 pure al fine all' India doppo si gravi 
travagli " (Of. Stor., I, 557). According to Trigault's version, Isaac, 
on reaching the weSt coast of India, heard that his wife was dead, so, 
instead of returning to Mogor, he settled at Chaul. 

28 This was probably in July, 1609, when, as we know, Pinheiro 
was sent from Goa to Cambay to negotiate with Jahangir's ambassador, 
Muqarrab Khan (see note 1 5, p. 1 1 1). 

27 At the beginning of the seventeenth century the pardao was 
equivalent to about 2s. 6d. For a full account of this coin and its 
value see Hobson-Jobson, pp. 672-678. 




CHATIGAM [Chittagong] is one of the principal cities 
and ports of Bengala, 2 It is in what is known as the 
kingdom of the Mogos, 8 and is under the sway of the 
King of Arracao, the moft powerful of the rulers in all 
Bengala, 4 who has made a fortress here, and has set 
up a king under his hand. Almoft all the port has been 
given over to the Portuguese who live there, and to 
whom the King is very well inclined, as they have 
assisted him in his wars, and have been of service to 
him in many other ways. To some of them he has 
given ftipends amounting to thirty thousand crusades, 
and he has declared his intention of making one of them 
a king under his hand in Bengala, which he could very 
well do, being the lord of many kingdoms, and possess- 
ing more than two hundred leagues of coaft-line. His 
word is, however, but the word of a Gentile. He shows 
the Portuguese these favours now, because, being in 
need of their services, he is anxious to content them; 
but it is greatly to be feared that when he has no 
further use for them, his behaviour will be very different. 
This King is the possessor of the celebrated white 
elephant, the fame of which is spread throughout the 
Eaft, and to which both he and his people pay rever- 
ence and make obeisance. This elephant is a mighty 
bea&. Every time he is taken out there is great 


rejoicing, and bands of musicians accompany him 
wherever he goes. Seeing what has befallen the 
various kings in whose possession he has been, one 
can hardly help believing that this animal possesses 
the powers of the Evil One; for five or six of the 
powerful kings to whom it has belonged have sooner or 
later been destroyed, both they and their kingdoms. 
The laft of them, the King of Pegu, 6 who was once the 
lord of twelve or fifteen kingdoms, whose power was 
once so great that he could, whenever he chose, put a 
million men in the field, whose subjefts were without 
number and whose riches no man could compute, 
lived to see himself stripped of all the lands he had 
conquered, and his kingdom desolated and deserted, 
except by a few miserable beings who roamed like 
savages in its jungles. 

Before his final downfall, this King was besieged in 
his capital, then all that was left to him of his kingdom, 
by the King of Tangu, who was formerly his vassal, 
and he of Arracam, of whom we have juft spoken. 
Seeing himself at the end of his resourses, the King 
of Pegu made terms with his assailants. To the King 
of Tangu he surrendered his person, his wife, and his 
children, and all the countless treasure he possessed. 
To the King of Arracam he gave five out of the sixty- 
seven immense statues of his gods, which his father 
had made, all of gold and glittering with precious 
Clones, and in addition, five alqueires* of precious 
ftones, amongft which were some of the moft priceless 
gems in the world. He also gave him his daughter 
to wife, and two of his sons as hoftages. Finally, and 



transcending all, he surrendered to him the white 
elephant, the pride and the glory of his kingdom. 7 

At the end of the year 1599, the King of Arracam, 
ladened with his spoils, left Pegu for his own kingdom, 8 
He entered his capital in triumph, preceded by the 
white elephant splendidly harnessed, and attended 
by the brother and the two sons of the King of Pegu. 
The daughter of the latter, who had been given to him 
as wife, had expe&ed to be on the King's right hand 
when he entered the city; and when she found that she 
was put on his left side, whilst the old queen was put 
on his right, and that the latter was decked out 
in the finery and jewels that had been brought from 
Pegu, she refused to regard the occasion as a triumph, 
and wept bitterly as she entered the city, saying to those 
near her, " Look how that old woman is dressed up 1 
Everything that she has on her is mine 1" But far more 
tragic was the fate of her father; for, after the departure 
of the King of Arracam, the King of Tangu, in whose 
hands he was left, not only took possession of his 
wealth, but put him to death. So va& were the 
treasures of Pegu that, to remove them to his capital, 
the King of Tangu employed seventeen caravans, 
each consisting of eight thousand bea&s, horses, 
bullocks, buffaloes, and elephants; and these were 
loaded only with gold and precious ftones; for every- 
thing that was made of silver or of other metals the 
King left behind as of no account. His leavings, which 
were afterwards taken by the King of Arracam, were 
estimated to be worth three million gold pieces. 

When the King of Arracam returned victorious to 



his capital city (which has the same name, 9 and is of 
great size and more populous than Lisbon in its mo 
prosperous days), the Fathers Belchior da Fonseca 
and Francisco Fernandes 10 set out from Chatigam to 
visit him. They were accompanied by a Portuguese 
gentleman named Hieronymo Monteyro, for whom 
the King had a special regard. On learning of their 
arrival, the King at once sent for them, and when they 
entered his presence he greeted them very cordially, 
and invited them to sit near the princes of Pegu who 
were with him on this occasion. They had scarcely 
taken their seats when news was brought that the 
King of Tangu had, in violation of his covenant, slain 
the King of Pegu and his wife and his children. This 
announcement of the fate of his father-in-law so per- 
turbed the King that he asked the fathers to withdraw, 
saying that he was unable to talk with them juft then, 
but that he would be glad to see them at another and 
more convenient hour. 

The next morning the Fathers received a message 
to say that he was ready to receive them. On their 
way to him, they fell in with the Coramgarim, 11 who 
is uncle to the King, and the moft powerful lord in 
these kingdoms. They exchanged greetings, and 
after many compliments on both sides, the Coramgarim 
invited them to enter his boat, and they conversed with 
'him during the remainder of their journey. They 
found the King on the river. He was on a splendid 
barge, built of wood, and so large that it seemed like 
a house. The interior, which was very spacious, was 
all painted and gilded, and none of the conveniences 



of a house were wanting. The King, who now wore 
a smiling countenance, commenced the conversation 
by asking the Fathers what they desired mol in this 
life. They replied that there were many things that 
they desired, but that more than all they prayed to God 
for forgiveness for their sins, for grace to serve Him and 
exalt His glory, and for the conversion of the whole 
world, and especially of His Majesty's subjefts, to their 
holy faith. He then asked them if a Chriftian could 
kill any animal without committing a sin. They told 
him that they could do this without sin, since God had 
created animals for the service of man, and man for 
His own service. They added, however, that they 
would be committing a sin if they killed animals that 
did not belong to them, for by so doing they would 
bring misfortune on the owners. But it was evident 
that the King, like Pilate, when he asked, quid efl 
veritas ? considered the answering of his questions a 
matter of no importance. At the close of the inter- 
view he said that he would be glad to have some Fathers 
at Chatigam, and also at Arracam, where he resides, 
and that he would arrange for their maintenance and 
make them an allowance, which he would double the 
next year. Having been thus kindly dismissed by 
this Gentile King, the Fathers took their leave of him. 12 
Father Francisco returned to Chatigam, and Father 
Belchior da Fonseca to his residence at Chandecam, 18 
The King of Arracam, having been informed of the 
fate of the King of Pegu, and that after putting him to 
death the King of Tangu had seized and carried off 
all his great Store of treasure, as we have narrated above, 



set out without delay for Machao [Macao] 14 , which was 
the King of Pegu's fortress, and at the same time 
summoned thither all the Portuguese whom he main- 
tained in his lands of Bengala, that they might assiSt 
him, should the necessity arise, againSt the King of 

As the Portuguese were very anxious to take a prieSt 
with them, and as the King had himself called for some 
members of the Company, it was decided by the two 
Fathers at Chatigam that one of them, Father Fran- 
cisco Fernandes, should remain in that place, and that 
the other, Father loam Andre, should accompany the 
Portuguese to Pegu, a decision which they came to 
the more willingly because of their anxiety to find out 
how far the State of affairs in Pegu was favourable 
to the introduction of Christianity into that kingdom. 

When the party reached Siriam, 15 which is the chief 
port of Pegu, word was sent to the King, who was then 
at Mauio [Macao], which is distant six or seven leagues 
from Siriam, where he was collecting the silver and 
other remnants of the treasure left in the fortress, in 
which he also found more than three thousand two 
hundred pieces of artillery of various sizes. He sent 
word to the Father and the Portuguese to come and 
see him, and he received and dismissed them with 
much kindness. 

As long as the Father remained at Siriam, he laboured 
zealously in the service of our Lord, confessing and 
administering the sacraments to the Christians who 
were there, and exhorting them to be earnest in their 
prayers and in their observance of the season of Lent, 



which was then in progress. During Holy Week he 
made, with much devotion, a representation of the 
holy Sepulchre, which both the King and his son came 
to see. As to the opportunities for introducing 
Christianity, he found that there were none. For the 
kingdom of Pegu was now a kingdom of jungles, 
haunted by tigers and other wild beaSts, and destitute 
of human habitation, save for a few villages of Sapuns, 
who are wild people belonging to these parts. 

As the plight of this kingdom was the mot terrible 
and pitiful that the world has ever known, and as it 
shows in a wonderful manner how the justice of heaven 
overtook these Gentile peoples, on account of their 
abominable sins and idolatries, and the evil deeds of 
their King, a brief account must be given, though it 
would be possible to tell a long story, of the evils which 
led to it. 

The desolation and ruin of this rich, populous, and 
fertile country was brought about by the greed, the 
cruelty, and the evil administration of the lat king who 
possessed it. So great were the sufferings which this 
tyrant inflifted, both on his own vassals and on the 
people of the twelve large kingdoms which conquest 
had brought under his sway, that at lat, unable to 
endure their miseries, his subjefts, now in one part 
and now in another, rose in revolt againSt him. At 
the same time other countries made continuous war 
upon him, killing thousands of his soldiers, until his 
armies were completely destroyed, and the wretched 
King, powerless and destitute of resources, was driven 
to make terms with, and surrender himself to his former 



vassal, the King of Tangu, who, as we have narrated 
above, seized everything that he possessed, and put 
him, and his wife and his children, to death. 

The warfare which the King of Pegu made against 
his own subjefts could not have been more ruthless 
had it been waged by their worft enemy, or the moft 
inhuman tyrant that has ever been known. Seeing 
that, on all sides, he was regarded with ill-will, and that 
in consequence of the defeat of his armies many refused 
to go to war, while others fled from the enemy, or took 
up arms againft him, his rage and ferocity knew no 
limits. To punish the Pegus, he ordered their right 
hands to be cut off with a sword; others he sent to the 
kingdoms of the Bramas, to be sold or exchanged for 
horses. In the case of those who had rebelled againft 
him, he punished with death not only the culprits 
themselves and their leaders, but all who were depen- 
dent on them. Thus, on one occasion, he caused to be 
apprehended forty of the chief nobles of his court, 
men who had aided his father in the conqueft of many 
lands; and though they had never before committed 
any offence againft him, he caused them with their 
wives, their children, and all their dependents, who 
were innumerable, to be placed in the midft of a great 
circle of wood and faggots, which was then set on 
fire, and they were burnt to death. Those who tried 
to escape from the fire were killed by the soldiers who 
had been placed round it. Many times he de&royed 
in this manner the families and dependents, men, 
women, and children, old and young, of those who 
fled from his enemies. Others he ordered to be 



drowned in the rivers, which became so blocked 
with corpses that even small boats could not pass 
along them. 

But even these unheard-of cruelties failed to appease 
his fury, which increased to such a pitch that, to 
complete his vengeance on his rebellious subjefts, he 
prohibited them from sowing their fields, so that they 
died in thousands from sheer hunger. By this in- 
famous decree, unparalleled in the hiftory of human 
tyranny, the Pegus were reduced to the direft extremity 
of misery and want. Driven by the fear of death in 
its moft agonising form, they took to devouring one 
another. Mothers devoured their children, and chil- 
dren their parents. The Wronger preyed on the weaker. 
Human flesh was publicly sold in shambles, . . . 10 
In this manner were the countless inhabitants of 
Pegu destroyed, as well as those of Aua, Prum, 
Martabam, Murmulam, 17 and other adjacent kingdoms, 
so that there are now no people left in all this region, 
which is in a Slate of utter desolation, its cities in ruins, 
and its fields Strewn with human bones. 

Seeing the condition to which Pegu was reduced, 
and that it was useless to think of introducing Chrifti- 
anity into the country until it had been re-peopled, 
which could not be for some time to come, Father 
loam Andre left Siriam and returned to Chatigam. 

193 N 



THERE was at this time in the service of the King of 
Arracam a Portuguese named Felippe de Brito Nicote, 2 
a rich and honourable man, and the Captain of many 
Portuguese, whom he had brought with him to Pegu. 
He had already rendered the King valuable service, 
having twice restored him to his throne, when he had 
been driven from it by his rebellious subjefts, and in all 
his wars had proved himself the ableft of his Captains. 
As a reward for all that he had done, the King made 
him Governor and lord of the kingdom of Pegu, 8 such 
as it was, with permission to build at Syriao (which is 
a port on the shores of the same kingdom, where its 
rivers, including that which flows from Tangu, empty 
themselves into the gulf which is called Machario 4 ) 
a fortress and blockades as a defence against his 
enemies, and to gather around him all the Pegus 
who came to him from the jungles or elsewhere to live 
under his protection and rule. Felippe de Brito made 
the moft of his opportunities. He began by erefting 
that year, i99, 6 a Cockade of wood, and before the 
end of the year 1 602 he had completed the building of 
a &one fortress, well equipped with guns and munitions, 
and very favourably situated for defensive purposes. 
At the same time he laid out a town and built houses 
for the people of the kingdom of Pegu, who began to 
come from divers parts to live in peace and security 



under his rule. In Oftober, 1603, the town con- 
tained fourteen or fifteen thousand inhabitants, all 
engaged in cultivating the land. Their numbers are 
increasing, and there is good hope that the town will 
become a populous city, and that this will lead to the 
re-peopling of the whole kingdom. 

Seeing the rapid growth of the fortress and city of 
Siriam, the King of Arracam began to be alarmed at the 
power which Felippe de Brito was acquiring. His 
fears were foftered by a certain Rume who was then 
much in his favour, and also by the ambassadors of the 
King of Massulapatam, and by other Moors who came 
to his court, all of whom told him that it was unwise 
to place so much truft in the Portuguese ; for they were a 
people whom it was very difficult to dislodge from a 
place where they had once taken root. They also 
told him that they would undertake in less than two 
years' time to place twenty thousand Moors in Pegu 
who would pay him a yearly tribute of two bareP of 
gold. The country, they said, had loft its population, 
but not its mines of gold and silver and precious stones, 
and the rivers which enriched its soil ftill ran to the 
sea. His Majefty should, therefore, consider well 
into whose hands he delivered this port. The Moors, 
he knew, would always be garibos? that is very sub- 
missive, with no other desire but to live under his 
prote&ion; and furthermore, by taking the port from 
the Portuguese and giving it to them, he would make 
the King of Massulapatam his friend for ever. The 
latter, it should be mentioned, had, through his am- 
bassadors, promised large presents to the nobles of 



Arracam if they should persuade their King to this 

About this time, Felippe de Brito visited Arracam, 
and learning what the Moors had been contriving 
againft him, he went to the King and told him that if 
he caft aside the friendship of the Portuguese his 
overthrow would be certain. He could not hope to 
uproot the Portuguese since they were lords of the sea, 
and if he killed fifty of them, a thousand would come 
to take their place; so that there would be perpetual 
warfare until he was destroyed. He added that the 
support of the Portuguese had never been more neces- 
sary to him than at that time; for the Moors, who were 
conquering everything in Bengal, were already at his 
gates, 8 and their general, Manasingua, had promised 
Achebar [Akbar], the great Mogor, that he should be 
lord of the white elephant, which was then in His 
Majesty's possession. 

By this the King was to some extent disillusioned; 
and when Caspar da Silva, who came at this time as 
ambassador from the Viceroy of India, reached his 
court, he gave him a very friendly reception, and granted 
all his requests. He also expressed his willingness that 
Felippe de Brito should go to India to obtain ships to 
help him again& the Great Mogor. But when the 
ambassador and Felippe de Brito had departed, the 
former to Bengala on his way to India, and the latter 
to Pegu to proceed with his fortifications, the King 
again gave ear to his counsellors, and at their inftiga- 
tion, sent a message to Felippe de Brito to say that it 
had been brought to his notice that he was building 



a lone fortress in Pegu, and that it was his will that he 
should proceed no further with the same, but that he 
should pull down all that he had built, otherwise he 
would send his armies to do it, and that he, de Brito, 
was at once to come and see him. 

To this message de Brito sent a cautious but courteous 
reply. At the same time he bribed the messengers that 
they might tell the King that he would certainly lose 
his kingdom if he broke with the Portuguese. He also 
sent large presents to his counsellors that they might be 
well disposed towards him; while he sought to appease 
the King himself by a present worth seventeen thousand 
crusades, which included a girdle of gold worth fifteen 
thousand. Meanwhile, however, he was procuring 
from Bengala munitions and other supplies for his 

The King had left behind in Pegu a Banhaf which 
corresponds to a duke, with an armed force, for the 
purpose of making a display, and keeping a check on 
the power of Felippe de Brito. The Banha was a 
native of the country, and a regular brigand to boot. 
That he might be treated with respeft, the King had 
many times commended him by letter to Felippe de 
Brito. However, many quarrels took place between 
him and the Portuguese, who resented the presence 
of his troops. On this account, and to prevent the 
Pegus from forming a connection with their country- 
man, de Brito determined to rid himself of his 
troublesome neighbour by making war on him. 
Accordingly, on the 27th of February, with a large force 
of Portuguese and people of the country, he attacked 



the Banha's blockade, which was very ftrong, and 
having forced an entry, slew thirty of his men and 
took ninety prisoners. Seeing that he had gained 
the viftory, the reft of the defenders came over to 
his side. In the meantime the Portuguese captured 
twelve of his vessels, twenty of his horses, and a 
quantity of provisions. They were also left in 
possession of all the fields he had sown. The Banha, 
whose wife had been killed, escaped with only fifteen 

After this the fortress and city enjoyed a time of 
prosperity; for the natives were able to cultivate the 
land in peace, which they did so extensively that there 
was soon no need to import rice from outside; and it 
was hoped that rice would soon be so abundant that 
more of it would be exported to India from Pegu than 
from Bengala. As the people enjoy peace and are well 
treated, there is no doubt that all the Pegus who are 
at present living in Tangu, Prum [Prome], langoma 
[Jancoma], 10 Auaa [Ava], Syam [Siam], and Arracam, 
and they are very many, will come to us, not only 
because of their love for their country, but because they 
will no longer have to fear the oppression they endured 
under their late King, and which they are now enduring 
in other lands. All are disposed to receive baptism, 
so that by God's grace this land will become a ftrong- 
hold of the Christian faith. 

Having provided for the security of his fortress and 
city, Felippe de Brito sent ambassadors to the neigh- 
bouring kings to make treaties of peace and friendship 
with them, and to dissuade them from alliances with 



the King of Arracam, the common enemy of all. In his 
message, which was sent to Tangu, Prum, langoma, 
Syam, and other minor ftates, he asked the kings to 
accept his friendship, to promise, in times of necessity, 
to assift him with supplies for his fortress, and to send 
their ambassadors with him to the State of India. All 
sent favourable replies, except the King of Syam, who 
was advised by a certain Portuguese named Martim de 
Torres, who was at his court when the ambassador 
arrived, to have nothing to do with Felippe de Brito. 
The latter, de Torres told the King, would surely 
deceive him, for he was nothing more than the King 
of Arracam's slave, while the dispatch of an ambassador 
in his company was out of the que&ion, since the State 
of India did not recognise him. Nevertheless, though 
the King of Syam did not send an ambassador like the 
other Kings, he replied very courteously, as to a prince, 
and sent back forty Portuguese who had been captives 
in his hands. 

Accompanied by the ambassadors of these kings and 
princes, Felippe de Brito went to India, to make over 
the fortress and the kingdom of Pegu to the State, and 
to tender his submission and devotion to His Majefty. 
He saw to it that the fortress was well supplied with 
men, guns, and provisions, and all else that was likely 
to be needed during his absence, and left ships for its 
prote&ion. He returned from Goa in the month of 
December, i6o2, n having been very honourably 
dispatched by the Viceroy, bringing with him sixteen 
rowing vessels manned by three hundred Portuguese. 
This fleet, with the ships that are already in these 



parts, namely a hundred and seventy at Sundiua 
[Sandip I.], thirty in Arracam, ten at Chatigam, 
and others elsewhere, will, God willing, make the 
Portuguese undisputed mailers of all the ports of 
Bengala and Pegu. 



(i) MORE than two thousand five hundred persons, 
pure Portuguese and half-caftes [meSlicos], who are 
living in these parts as outlaws or refugees, serving 
various Gentile and Moorish kings, can be reclaimed 
to the service of God and His Majefty. They will be 
able to live together in our cities and fortresses, where 
also can be sheltered many orphan girls with whom 
they will be able to marry, the King granting them 
lands for their maintenance. 

(2) By the establishment of cuftom-houses in these 
ports and fortresses the revenue of the State will be 
increased, and His Majefty will have the wherewithal 
to Slock his magazines, and supply his fleets, both here 
and in India. 

(3) From Pegu, as from Bengala, can be obtained 
all the timber required for the armadas of India, for it 
grows very abundantly in these parts. Formerly 
it was much used by the Turks for building their gales. 
They used to transport it to Suez, whither it could be 
conveyed more easily than timber from Alexandra* 
Here, too, can be built very cheaply as many vessels 
as are required for all parts of the State of India, both 
in the North and in the South. 

(4) From these ports of Pegu and Bengala supplies 
and munitions can be sent to Malaca, and other places 
in the South, very easily and at all seasons. This is a 

20 1 


very important consideration; for from India they can 
only be sent with difficulty, and that but once a year, 
on account of the monsoons. 

(5) From Pegu it would be an easy matter with our 
fleet to subdue Martabam, Reytauai [Tavoy], Tanacari 
[Tenasserim], lunsalam [Junk-Ceylon], 2 and Queda, 
all of which are now in the hands of the King of Syam, 
who wrongfully took possession of them, they being 
all in a deserted ftate; for twice the King of Syam 
attacked Pegu, each time compelling the people of these 
kingdoms to accompany him by sea with supplies that 
could not be brought by land, and in these journeyings 
the greater part of them perished; so that these kingdoms 
are now so destitute of people that there is not in all of 
them as much cultivated land as there is round our 
port and city of Siriam. 

(6) Our possession of Pegu puts an end to the 
pretensions which the King of Syam has to this kingdom 
and to Tangu, which latter country he covets on 
account of the treasures of Pegu which the King of 
Tangu seized and took there, after capturing and slay- 
ing the King of Pegu, his father-in-law. So greatly 
does the King of Syam desire this conquest that, since 
his failure to take the city of Tangu in 1599, when 
seventy thousand of his men perished from hunger, 
and when he lo& many elephants and horses and all 
the guns he had taken with him, he has refused to enter 
his capital, and declares that he will not do so until he 
has conquered both Tangu and Pegu; and with this 
objeft in view he is busily colledling supplies and 
munitions of war. He has asked the Olandeses [the 



Dutch] whose ships are at Patane, 8 to supply him with 
ten or twelve artillerymen. They have already sent 
him two, who came to him when Felippe de Brito was 
about to set out from Pegu for India, in 1603. 

(7) By being makers of this port, the Portuguese 
will be able to perform another valuable service for His 
MajeSty; for, with their fleet they can intercept the 
many ships which come yearly from Surrate [Surat] 
to Martabam, Reytauai [Tavoy], lunssalao, Tanacri 
[Tenasserim], and Queda, to load cargoes of pepper 
and other goods for Meca, and can make them come to 
our fortress and pay duty at the custom-house which 
is to be established there, both on the goods they bring 
from India, and on those they take back from these 
parts. This also is a very important consideration, 
as it will add much to His Majesty's revenues; for there 
is no way of escape for these ships, except by sea; so 
that if the Portuguese are masters of the sea they will 
have complete control over them, for they can patrol 
all this coaSt with their fleets, just as they patrol the 
coaSt of Malabar in India, and none will have power 
to resiSl or moleSt them. 

(8) One of the moSt important of the worldly 
advantages belonging to our occupation of this fortress 
of Siriam is the opportunity which it presents for 
laying hands on the treasures of Pegu, which, as we 
have said, are in the possession of the King of Tangu, 
whose kingdom is distant but six days' journey by land, 
and nine by water. Felippe de Brito, when he was 
sent there by the King of Arracam, 4 saw all that there 
was to be seen in it, and carefully observed its situation, 



and the site and disposition of the royal city, of which 
he took the measurements, and made notes of every- 
thing within its walls. He says that it is i ,450 fathoms 
[bracas] in length, and 1,400 in breadth. It has 
twenty gates. From gate to gate there are five watch- 
towers [guaritas]) and between each pair of these, 
forty embrasures [ameas]. There is a good-sized 
moat, measuring about twenty-five fathoms across. 
The walls are not very high, and are about twenty-five 
spans in thickness. There are no gun-platforms 
[tataria]) the walls being nothing but rubble with a 
brick facing ; the latter is not more than six spans thick, 
and often crumbles away in the winter season. The 
houses are made of Straw, and the population is scanty. 
At the time Felippe de Brito was there, the King had 
twenty thousand Pegus; but today he has not more 
than three thousand, large numbers of them having 
come to our fortress under contradt with Felippe de 
Brito; for the land there is barren, and the people can- 
not get any silver; whilst here they can get abundance 
of everything. These were the pick of his people, 
for though they had been conquered by him, hardship 
had made them Strong and courageous. The King 
has some fifteen thousand Burmese soldiers [Bra mas] ; 
but they are a weak and poor-spirited lot. He has eight 
hundred horses of the country, and a large number of 
guns, including even camelets, which he took from the 
kingdom of Pegu; but he has no powder beyond a small 
quantity given to him by the King of Arracam. His 
chief conftable is a lascar, or common seaman, who was 
once in our pay. In the account which he sent to the 



Viceroy, Felippe de Brito wrote that, in two years' 
time, with the troops already available in Bengala, and 
others which he could raise there, and with the people 
of the country, of whom he had twice as many in his 
service as the King of Tangu, and of better quality, 
he would be ready, if His Majefty gave his approval, 
to attack this country; for the king who ruled it was a 
despot. Without incurring any great risk it would be 
possible to gain possession of his vaft treasure, and, 
once the Portuguese were makers of Tangu, they would 
be able to subdue other kingdoms bordering on that 
coa& and the gulf of Machareo, which has a coaft-line 
of eighty leagues. He wrote also that, outside the royal 
city of Tangu, the King has no forces; and, as far as the 
King of Arracam is concerned, even the Pegus in our 
fortress go out and seize his cattle, there being none to 
proteft them. 

(9) By means of this conqueft, the Portuguese will be 
able to hold in check the Olandeses, and prevent them 
from setting foot in Pegu and in many other kingdoms, 
from which they are not far away. The governor of 
the King of Syam, who is at Martabam, sent two ships 
to Achem 6 with an ambassador who took presents to 
the Olandeses, and offered them these ports, telling them 
of the commodities they could obtain in them. They 
replied that though at that time they were unable to 
accept his offer, they hoped to be able to do so in the 
near future. In March of this year, 1603, he sent 
another ship ; but when Felippe de Brito arrived, 6 he 
gave orders that the vessel, with the message it brings, 
was to be captured on its return, which was likely to 



be in September. The journey by sea from our fortress 
to Martabam takes twenty-four hours ; but by land, on 
account of the bay, it takes five days. 

(10) Of far more account than temporal gains or 
wealth, or aught that can be done to serve His Majefty, 
is the work that can here be accomplished for the glory 
of God, by the winning of countless souls for the king- 
dom of heaven, for the people are by nature docile and 
easy to convert. This can only be done with the help 
of God, and if those who govern here and in those parts 
are zealous for His honour, and hold His glory, and the 
welfare of souls, as of more concern than worldly success 
and prosperity. If He grants us the latter, it is that 
we may make His service, and the care of souls in 
these lands, our fir& duty. 




IN the previous chapters we have told of the fortress 
which the Portuguese noble, Phelipe de Brito of Nicote, 
built at his own coft, at the entrance to theport of Siriam, 
which is the chief port of the kingdom of Pegu. This 
kingdom, which was now so wafted and deserted that 
it contained little but jungles and wild beafts, had been 
conquered by the King of Aracao, who had given it to 
Phelipe de Brito as a recompense for his many and great 

This Portuguese noble was induced to take charge of 
this kingdom, and to build in it this fortress, by the 
hope that he might be able to restore, at leaft in some 
measure, its former greatness and beauty, and lay in it 
the foundations of a great Christian ftronghold, so 
that it should become a source of ftrength to the State 
of India, and a crown of these realms. He hoped also to 
revive its commerce, which, indeed, began fteadily to 
develop from that time. Another Slrong reason which 
he had for building this fortress was that it would 
enable him to prevent the landing of the Turks of 
Mecha, who always desired to come there on account 
of the timber which grew abundantly in those parts; 
This they required for the building of their ships and 
gales \ and in former days they used to take it to Sues, 
whither it could be carried more cheaply than wood 
from any other country. If the Portuguese had not 



prevented them in time, and if God had not inspired 
Phelipe de Brito to undertake this enterprise and carry 
it through at his own co, there is no doubt that the 
Moors and Turks would have ftepped in and possessed 
themselves of this region, to the lafting detriment of 
the whole State of India. 2 

To render his position secure, Phelipe de Brito, in 
the year 1 603, went to Goa to make over the fortress, 
and declare his fealty to His Majesty, and to consult 
the Viceroy in regard to its management. The same 
year, having settled all these matters, he returned to 
Pegu. On his way, he flopped at Cochim, where 
he spoke with the Father Provincial, and begged his 
permission to take back with him some Fathers of the 
Company; for though at firft they would, he said, find 
it difficult to clear the soil, they would in the end gather 
much sweet fruit. Encouraged by such hopes, the 
Father Provincial wrote at once to the four Fathers 3 
who were in Bengala, directing that two of them should 
proceed to Pegu; for in the kingdoms of Bengala the 
gates were being closed more and more resolutely 
against the holy Gospel. It seemed as though our Lord 
had inspired the Provincial to take this course; for the 
Fathers of Bengala, owing to the unsatisfactory ftate of 
affairs in those kingdoms, had already determined to 
return to India; and after receiving this letter, two of 
them came back to Cochim, whilft the other two went 
to Pegu, where they arrived in February, 1 604, to the 
great contentment and consolation of the Portuguese 
who were in the fortress. As soon as the latter had 
news of their arrival, which was at night, they showed 



their joy by dancing and playing musical instruments. 
They said that God had come amongSt them, and that 
now they knew that their fortress was secure, since the 
Fathers had entered it. As soon as it was dawn the 
Captain-General, Phelipe de Brito, and all the Portu- 
guese, sought the sea-shore, where, with unbounded 
pleasure, they feaSted and made holiday. A house 
had already been prepared for the Fathers, in which 
they were now hospitably entertained. They com- 
menced without delay to perform the duties proper 
to their calling, preaching, hearing confession, ex- 
pounding the doftrines of their faith and seeking for 
converts, doing all with gladness and to the comfort and 
benefit of those amongSt whom they laboured. All the 
Portuguese, as well as the Christians of the country, 
made confession, and were thus Strengthened to resiSt 
the temptations to sin which abound in these lands. 
Not only the soldiers of the fortress, but the merchants 
of the country, as well as many others, came to seek 
the Fathers' help and advice, and all alike came to 
regard them as their sole comforters. 

Our Captain-General, Phelipe de Brito, greatly 
desired to see all the needs of the Fathers abundantly 
supplied; but on account of the heavy expenses he had 
been obliged to incur in connection with the fortress, 
and because of the losses he had sustained, he was 
unable to do for them as much as he wished. Never- 
theless the Fathers wanted for nothing; for they had a 
house to live in, though it was only of wood, and also 
a little church which, pending the erection of a larger 
building, had been provided for them. The latter 

209 o 


had coft only four hundred pardaos; but a thousand 
would not suffice for such a building in Portugal, so 
abundant is timber in these parts. 

The marvellous favours which heaven has bestowed 
on this enterprise have encouraged all to hope that in 
this kingdom the gate will be opened wide to the holy 
Gospel. On many occasions when the fortress has 
been reduced to the direct traits by hunger, God has 
miraculously succoured it with supplies from many 
quarters ; but above all He has given us a viftory over 
the Moors of Arracam, the completeness of which can 
scarcely be realised, except by those who aftually 
witnessed it. The Story of it is as follows. The Moors 
who were at the court of the King of Arracam, seeing 
the increasing Strength of the fortress which Phelipe 
de Brito had built, and resenting his possession of this 
portion of the kingdom of Pegu, in which they so greatly 
desired to set foot, promised to pay the King a yearly 
tribute of many bares of gold if he would expel the 
Portuguese, and give the fortress to them. They 
urged him so persistently, and put such fear into his 
mind of the evils that were to be expected if the Portu- 
guese were left undisturbed, that they completely 
destroyed his friendly feelings for Phelipe de Brito, 
and the truSt he had formerly placed in him. Thus 
worked upon, the King at firSt tried to lure our Captain- 
General to his court with persuasive messages, and- 
when these proved ineffectual, he sent word to him 
with many threats that the fortifications he had 
eredted were to be razed to the ground. Finally 
he determined to send all his forces to capture the 



fortress, and wipe out the Portuguese name in those 

And so, not content with what he had done to us 
in Ratiguam, 4 a great port of Bengala, in November, 
1 602, and the many other injuries he had inflifted on 
us, destroying many Christian places, burning churches, 
and slaying and taking captive many people, including 
Father Francisco Fernando of our Company, and after 
having taken from us in March, 1603, the island of 
Sunduia, 6 he now determined to remove that other 
thorn which was Still left in his flesh, and which was 
beginning to cause him such discomfiture, namely the 
fortress of Pegu. 

Accordingly, at the end of the year 1 604, he put on 
the sea an armada of nearly five hundred and fifty 
ships, carrying a force of fifteen thousand men. He 
placed his eldest son in command of it, and sent with 
him his Captain-General and all the chief captains of 
his kingdom. The Prince was not only to destroy the 
Portuguese in Pegu, but to subdue other kingdoms and 
fortresses in those parts of which the King desired to 
have possession. Before the fleet set sail, the King 
caused it to be made known in Pegu that it was being 
sentagainft other Gentile kingdoms; but its real objeft 
was to de&roy our fortress and afterwards to capture 
the ports and cities of Martauam, Teua [Tavoy] and 
Tanafari. This was learnt subsequently from the 
orders which the fleet carried. But our Captain- 
General, Phelipe de Brito, was not deceived. He knew 
the treacherous nature of the King, and was fully alive 
to his designs. Nevertheless, remembering his obliga- 



tions to him, for it was from the King that he had re- 
ceived this kingdom, he sent a message begging him 
not to send his fleet to Pegu, since, if it came there, he 
would be obliged to resift it. 

The King ignored this message, and his armada put 
to sea. It consisted of five hundred jaleas and forty 
caturef with many guns. Very small in comparison 
was the fleet which the Portuguese made ready; for it 
comprised only eight ships, but all very well equipped, 
and a hundred and eighty Portuguese soldiers. They 
put to sea as soon as it was known that the enemy's 
armada was on its way. The two fleets met off a point 
of the land which is called Negrais, 7 and a desperate 
battle took place. Three times the enemy retired and 
three times returned to renew the ftruggle. With God's 
help the Portuguese gained the advantage in each of 
these encounters, in the course of which they sank 
many of the enemy's jaleas and catures, killing more 
than a thousand men, and capturing five hundred. 
Of their own men, not one was killed, and only three or 
four were wounded. 

Seeing how ill it had fared with him in this sea fight, 
and as it was his intention to disembark his forces and 
attack our fortress by land, the Prince now kept his 
fleet close in to the shore. Accordingly, the Portu- 
guese ships, which were larger and of deeper draught 
than those of the enemy, and which now ood in need 
of repairs, were taken back to the harbour, and the 
men returned to the fortress. 

When it was seen that the enemy's armada had 
entered the river, and with such precipitancy that 



several of their vessels which were near the shore had 
become Stranded on shallows or sandbanks, the Portu- 
guese immediately manned their ships, and took up a 
position at a point which they knew the enemy muSt 
pass if he came to attack us. A few days later, the 
Prince likewise having repaired his damaged ships, 
the armada advanced up the river; and on the 28th 
January, 1 605, the two fleets met, and a fourth engage- 
ment took place in front of the fortress. 8 For a time 
neither side gained any advantage, so Stubborn was the 
content; but at laSt, by the grace of God, the tide of 
battle turned in our favour, and the enemy's ships were 
driven into a narrow channel from which there was no 
outlet to the sea, and on that and the following day, 
the Portuguese captured all that great and numerous 
armada, of which not a single ship escaped to carry the 
news of the disaster to the King. 

When the ships entered this channel, the Prince, 
who was heir to the throne of Arracam, and his captains, 
who were the greatest in the kingdom, and all his 
soldiers, seeing that escape by water was impossible, 
abandoned everything, and leaping ashore sought 
refuge in the jungles, hoping to save their lives and to 
find their way by land back to Arracam. But the 
Prince's followers, driven by hunger and the many 
other hardships which they had to suffer, soon began 
to desert him. Some came over to us, others made 
their way to Tangu or Param [Prome]; till at laSt, 
out of fifteen thousand men, only three thousand re- 
mained with their Prince. Aware of this, Phelipe de 
Brito made his way with all speed to a spot where he 



knew that the Prince's force could be intercepted, and 
there he fell on it with fifty Portuguese soldiers and two 
hundred Pegus who were in his service. The fugitives 
at firft offered some resi&ance, thinking that they had 
to deal only with Pegus. But on seeing the Portuguese, 
the greater portion of them surrendered, while the re- 
mainder took to flight. Amongft the former were the 
Prince, his Captain-General and other captains, and a 
baftard son of the former King of Pegu. All were 
conducted to the fortress as prisoners, to be dealt with, 
more especially in the case of the Prince, as the Viceroy 
should direft. The King offered a great sum of money 
as ransom for his son, as he could well afford to do, 
seeing that he was the richest and moft powerful king 
in all those parts and in Bengala. 9 

It would be difficult to estimate the great importance 
of this viftory. As far as temporal affairs were con- 
cerned it did much to Strengthen the hold which the 
Portuguese had already secured on this kingdom, 
and laid the foundations of a great estate in these parts, 
which may one day be the crown of our realm. But 
more than this it paved the way for the establishment 
of a great Church, which may lead to the conversion 
of the infidels in all these kingdoms, where up till now 
only the devil is worshipped. 

The booty obtained on this occasion was enormous; 
for, leaving out of account the ships and prisoners, 
the Portuguese captured more than a thousand pieces of 
artillery, large and small, as well as great quantities of 
munitions and supplies, all of which they used to 
furnish and equip their fortress. 



The Jesuit Father Natal Salerno, one of the two who 
had been sent from Bengala, was present in all these 
battles. He was always to be found in the thick of the 
fight, animating the soldiers, hearing their confessions, 
and aiding them with his prayers. It was to the Father 
that the soldiers attributed their viftory, so great was 
their belief in the power of his virtues and prayers. 
Our Captain-General commended him no less to the 
Father Provincial; for he took no credit to himself for 
the viftory, but gave all the glory and honour to God, 
from whom all blessings come. 




As has been said in previous relations, our occupation 
of Pegu is one of the moft important of our eaftern 
enterprises, not only on account of the material advan- 
tages which our kingdom derives from it, but because 
of the opportunity it offers for the extension of our holy 
faith by the preaching of the Gospel. For although the 
country of Pegu itself is almost devoid of inhabitants^ 
there are in the neighbouring regions, and along all the 
coaft of the bay of Bengala, val numbers of Gentiles, 
who are able to find refuge from oppression under the 
shadow of the Portuguese fortresses, where it is possible 
to convert them to our faith, and thus greatly to extend 
the Church of God in these parts. 

As to things temporal, there is not in all the Eaft 
a country so rich, or which produces the necessities 
of life in greater abundance. Apart from mines of 
gold, and silver, and precious Clones, which are to be 
found in all these lands, so fertile is the soil of Pegu 
that, if it is well irrigated, it will produce three rich 
crops of rice every year; and it will yield equally good 
crops of wheat, vegetables, and indeed of anything 
that is sown in it. 

Not far away is the kingdom of Tangu, where are now 
the immense Stores of gold and precious Clones which it 
took the kings of Pegu centuries to amass, and amongft 
which are the richest gems in the world. The Fathers, 



and other Portuguese, declare that this kingdom could 
be taken with a force of a thousand men. Then there 
is the kingdom of Pru [Prome], very rich in timber, 
elephants, lac, and pepper, both the long and the short 
kinds, of which His Majesty could easily become the 
lord, as he could also of the kingdom by the gangas* 
or upper river, which is the kingdom of Vua [Ava], 
where is abundance of precious Stones, such as rubies, 
sapphires, and spinels, as well as benzoin, lead, copper, 
lac, silk, and amber. These three kingdoms are all 
on the river, and can be reached by our ships which go 
from Siriam. Only the city of Tangu is to be reached 
by land, being distant from the water's edge about the 
range of a falconet. On the coaSt of the lower portion 
of the gulf, which extends to the south, are the cities 
of Tauay [Tavoy], Tanassarim, Martabam, and 
Luncalam 3 [Junk-Ceylon]. These are on the outskirts 
of the kingdoms of langoma, Siam, and Langam 
[Luang Praban], and in all of these are to be found 
many valuable commodities, including gold and other 
metals, both those which the land produces, and those 
which come from outside. They are not far away, 
and could be conquered, as could all Bengala, from this 
fortress of Siriam; so that when those who are in the 
South have need of assistance, it would no longer be 
necessary to send it from India, whence it goes with so 
much risk and difficulty; for it would be able to go 
from Bengala and Pegu, where are all the necessary 
facilities, and the voyage along the coaSt is very easy. 
In addition, His Majesty will have many rich lands for 
distribution amongSt his poor subjects, for whom in 



India there is not a span. Also a ship can come from 
the Kingdom direft to Pegu which will help to render 
our conquest secure and permanent. Nor is there any 
fear that it would have to return without a cargo, as 
many wrongly suppose ; for every year it could take back 
the pepper which comes from Queda and Dachem 
[Achim], as is done at Cochim, and here could be 
done very easily. There will also be for cargo the com- 
modities of the country and of Bengala which can come 
here every year more easily than they go from Bengala 
to Cochim, there being only eighty leagues of coaft 
between Bengala and Siriam, and the voyage can be 
made both in the winter and summer seasons. At 
Negrais there is a very splendid harbour, as large as 
the city of Goa. 

Formerly, in the time of the laft King of Pegu and 
his predecessors, all those commodities which I have 
said are obtainable in Martauam, Tauay, Tanasarim, 
Lunculam, and other neighbouring parts and kingdoms, 
used to come to this port of Siriam. And the reason 
of their coming was that the cotton goods of Choro- 
mandel were brought only to this port; and hither 
came many ships from Meca to load the goods which, 
on account of this cotton, were brought here. The 
Portuguese also took many freights, so that the trade 
of the kingdom of Pegu was very lucrative and exten- 
sive. But today these goods no longer come to Siriam ; 
and this is because the cottons of Choromandel are now 
taken to Tauay, Tanasarim, and Martauam, from 
whence they go to Siam, Langiao [Luang Praban], 
Camboja, and other neighbouring kingdoms, and even 



to Tangu. These same cotton goods reach the 
kingdom of Vua [Ava] by way of Arracam, and precious 
Stones are sent the same way, which formerly were 
brought to Pegu. Hence the trade of our port is much 
diminished, and His MajeSty is losing the profit which 
he ought to be getting from it; all of which could be 
remedied by observing the usage which the State of 
India formerly established with the barbarous King of 
Pegu, by which it was ordained that the cottons of 
Choromandel should be brought to Siriam, and to no 
other port, and that the Portuguese on their part 
should take it only to the port of Goa, and that no other 
voyages should afterwards be made with it. By the 
consequent advent of our ships to this port, our trade 
and His Majesty's profits would Readily increase, and 
the arrival here of many Portuguese would render our 
fortress more and more secure, and our fleet powerful 
enough to control all these seas, and to overawe the 
Kings who are our neighbours, so that none of them 
would dare to raise a hand againSt us. 4 

Although our fortress is not at present in a Strong 
or prosperous State, yet God has so marvellously helped 
our Captain-General, Felippe de Brito, the founder 
of it, in all the difficulties which from the beginning he 
has had to encounter, that it is manifestly His purpose 
to use it for the advancement of His holy faith. 

We muSt now resume the thread of our narrative. 
After the great and marvellous viftory described in the 
previous chapter, our Captain-General asked Father 
Natal Salerno of our Company to go to Arracam to 
negotiate terms of peace, and, having accomplished 



this, to remain there as a homage, until the Prince had 
been restored to his father, as he soon was. 6 Then, 
trusting in the promises which this faithless King 
swore by his Pagodas that he would fulfil, Felippe de 
Brito sent his son, Marcos de Brito, with a party of 
Portuguese, to take possession of the island of Sundiua 
which, according to the treaty, belonged to him. But 
the King, by treacherous means, slew Marcos de Brito 
and nearly all who were with him. He also seized 
more than five thousand Christians who were in his 
territories, treating them with barbarous cruelty, and 
subjecting the women to the grossed insults. Amongft 
others, he captured three'priefts, in addition to which he 
profaned their sacred vessels, and desecrated and tore 
down a crucifix. He also tried to seize by treachery 
a number of Portuguese who were then in his ports, 
whither they had come, as was their custom, for purposes 
of trade; but having been warned of his hostile in- 
tentions, they were able to withdraw to a place of 
safety, with the exception of one galliot, which had 
proceeded some distance up a river, where it was 
attacked by a hundred and fifty vessels of the enemy. 
The thirty Portuguese who were on the galliot resided 
the attack with great determination, and after killing 
many of their assailants, succeeded in saving both 
themselves and their ship. 6 

Not content with these outrages and insults, the 
King determined to destroy the fortress of Siriam, and 
all the Portuguese who were within it; and for this 
purpose he began to mu&er all the forces he possessed. 
While he was in the midft of his preparations, a great 



Storm burSt over his capital, and the lightning Struck 
not only his royal residence, but the Stall of the white 
elephant, and the chief temples of his idols. This so 
terrified his fa/afojos^ who are his prieSts, that they 
besought him to look to his adtions, for these things 
were a sign that destruction was to overtake him, on 
account of the injuries he had done to the Gods of the 
Christians, and to the Christians themselves and the 
Portuguese, by breaking the treaty of peace he had made 
with them. The blinded King replied that if he had 
to perish, he would see to it that they perished firSt, 
so that they should have no chance of glorying in his 
death. And without more ado, he had thirty of his 
chief prieSts put to death. Meanwhile, Felippe de 
Brito, greatly as he felt the loss of his son and the other 
Portuguese, turned his thoughts from grief to ven- 
geance; and as soon as he heard of the great force 
which his enemy was making ready to bring againSt 
him, he commenced his preparations for meeting the 
attack. Having good reason to fear that when the 
King of Arracam came to attack him by sea, other 
kings, who were his neighbours and confederates, 
would lay siege to his fortress by land, he dispatched 
Father Natal Salerno to Malaca to obtain assistance 
from the Viceroy, who was there at that time. The 
State of Malaca was not what the Father had expefted 
to find it; nevertheless, the Viceroy was able to send 
Felippe de Brito two gales and six sailing vessels 
[nauios], with which, and those he already possessed, 
he felt that he could face the whole of Bengala. 

Up to this point our information is from letters that 



have come to us by sea from Moncao 8 [Macao]; but 
news, which is regarded as trustworthy, has since 
reached us by land that the King of the Mogos set 
forth with a very powerful fleet, said to have consiSled 
of more than a thousand ships ; and that on his way to 
our fortress he had three encounters with our ships, 
in all of which he was worsted, and especially in the 
laSl, in which the Prince, his son, was again captured 
with many of his people. It is reported that the Prince, 
though severely wounded, managed to escape in one of 
their boats ; but that our vessels were gone in pursuit, 
with good hopes of taking him. It is also said that our 
Captain-General, encouraged by this viftory, is pur- 
posing to go on to Arracam. But of these events we 
shall, God willing, be able to write more fully and 
clearly in our next relation. 

There are at present two Fathers of the Company 
at Siriam, where they are labouring with much zeal. 
One of them Slays there continuously, attending to the 
church and the duties conne&ed therewith, confessing, 
preaching, teaching the doftrines of our faith, and 
fulfilling the various other duties belonging to his 
office. The other is almoSl always at sea, for the men 
of our fleet are never willing to go forth to battle unless 
he is with them, so confident are they that his virtues 
and prayers will bring them vidlory. Little is at 
present being done towards the conversion of the in- 
fidels. This is not because there are not many who 
desire to be baptised, but because the people are Slill 
in a very unsettled Slate owing to the continual wars 
which are taking place, and the Fathers think it beSl to 



postpone this important work until the country is in a 
more tranquil ftate, which will only be after their chief 
enemy, the King of Arracam, has been destroyed ; for 
it is he, and his desire, to expel the Portuguese from all 
these parts, that disturbs the peace of our fortress and 
city. Nevertheless, a certain number of persons have 
received baptism. These have been for the moft part 
sick children, of whom the Lord has taken many to 
himself. Amongft the conversions made at this time, 
the mol important was that of a wealthy Jew, who was 
a dealer in precious Clones, and who was also a man 
of much learning, and well versed in the holy Scriptures 
and in the Hebrew tongue. After wandering over 
the greater part of the world, he had found his way to 
Syam, and being told that there were Fathers of the 
Company in Pegu, he came to the fortress of Siriam to 
see them. He said that he had been led by the Scrip- 
tures to see the truth of our holy faith, but that he 
desired enlightenment on certain points which ftill 
troubled him. The answers which the Fathers gave 
to his questions completely satisfied him, and he begged 
so earnestly to be baptised that it was evident that he 
had been illumined by the Holy Spirit, and had heard 
the voice of God. He was baptised with great solemnity, 
the service being witnessed by all the Portuguese, 
many of whom had known him before, and who 
marvelled to see him thus changed from what he had 
been, like Saul who became Paul and a preacher of 
Jesus Chrift and his holy law. He died a few days 
after his baptism, from a disease which he had con- 
trafted before he left Syam. 




IN the kingdom of Pegu, and in the city and fortress of 
Siriam, which is the seat of Philippe de Brito, the 
General of that kingdom, there were residing two 
Fathers of our Company; but, by the will of God, one 
of them, namely the Father Natal Salerno, loft his life 
in a desperate naval engagement between the infidels 
and the Portuguese. And because this was one of the 
moft memorable encounters which have taken place 
in India between the Portuguese and these Gentios, 
and because itwas entered upon for the sake of the Faith, 
and brought so great glory to God, it seems fitting, for 
the consolation of the faithful, and to give them cause 
to praise our Ix>rd, that some account of it should here 
be set down. For it is not out of place in an ecclesi- 
aftical hiftory to refer, when it seems appropriate to 
the matters of which we are treating, to the wars 
which the Chriftians waged in the defence, or for the 
propagation of the Christian religion. 

It was through the King of Pru [Prome] that Philippe 
de Brito received intelligence of the treachery of the 
King of Arracam, and how the barbarian had, with 
great energy, prepared a vaft armada, on which he had 
embarked all his power, with the intention of coming, 
as soon as the winter season was ended, to besiege the 
fortress of Siriam: how, in short, he was bringing with 
him a fleet which in ships, men, guns, and munitions 



of war, was the moft powerful that had ever appeared 
on the Indian seas. His ships were 1,200 in number, 
and each one was propelled by oars, because of the 
inlets and lagoons which break up all the coa& of the 
Gangetic gulf, and which are only to be navigated by 
vessels of shallow draft. Of these ships, seventy-five 
were galliots 2 of very large size, each carrying a dozen 
pieces of heavy artillery, such as esperas, camelets, 8 
and falcons. They were also well equipped with 
screens [paueses] and network [xaretaTf 1 and were fully 
manned. The other vessels were ja/eas, which are 
smaller than galliots and very light, with fifteen oars 
on each side. The fleet carried 3,500 pieces of artillery, 
big and little; and the soldiers, amongft whom were 
Moors, Patans, Persians, and Malabars, numbered 
about thirty thousand, including eight thousand 
musketeers. The King himself came with the fleet, 
accompanied by the Prince, his son and heir, the flower 
of the nobility of his kingdom, and all his fighting men. 
The King of Chocoria 6 with his men also joined him. 
Before this armada set sail from Arracam, news of 
its coming reached our Captain-General, who, with 
great determination and energy made preparations for 
intercepting it on the high seas. Though greatly 
inferior to the enemy both in ships and men, our little 
force was rendered Strong by the cause for which it was 
to fight, which was the defence of the Faith, and by the 
spirit and courage of our soldiers. It consisted of 
but eight galliots and four sanguicels, 6 which are boats 
of a much smaller size and very light. Our soldiers 
numbered two hundred and forty. The chief com- 

225 p 


mand of this tiny armada was given to Paulo do 
Rego, who was one of the braveSt soldiers in India, 
and who had served in the same capacity in previous 

This gallant Captain set out with his armada in 
search of the enemy, being determined to give battle. 
As he coaSted along, he made descents on the enemy's 
shores, destroying with fire every maritime town which 
he entered, and putting the inhabitants to the sword. 
After a time, having received information of the course 
which the enemy's fleet was taking on its way to our 
fortress of Siriam, he awaited its approach in what is 
called the channel of Negais [Negrais]. Here he 
offered battle; but the King declined the challenge, 
and taking shelter under the land, placed himself 
amongSt rocks and sandbanks, a position which gave 
him security whilSt it was full of danger for our ships. 

Seeing that the enemy did not intend to come out, 
our Captain cat anchor in front of his position, at the 
distance of a falcon-shot. Presently, a number of the 
King's provision ships arrived; and when our Captain 
fell upon these to destroy them, the lighter vessels of 
the armada came to their assistance. A close fight 
ensued, in which we captured the jalea of the Captain 
who was leading the attack. The Captain himself, 
whose name was Maruja, was killed. He was a person 
of high rank, and much thought of by the King. 
Finally, after other skirmishes had taken place, our 
Captain, on the laSt day of March, 1607, decided to 
give battle at two o'clock in the afternoon. But at 
that hour there came on a violent Storm of rain, which 



lasted for one and a half hours, so that he was unable to 
commence the attack before four o'clock. 

Although the very sea seemed to be hidden by the 
multitude of the King's ships, for, for each one of ours 
he could count 120, whilst his men outnumbered ours 
almost to the same extent, nevertheless, this spectacle, 
so far from daunting our soldiers, served only to inspire 
them with new courage ; and calling on the name of the 
Lord, and of our Lady the Virgin, and trusting in the 
arm of God which had been their support in the pat 
in the battles they had fought against the infidels both 
in India and in Europe, they assailed the enemy with 
the utmost impetuosity. Flinging themselves on that 
foreft of ships, they penetrated it from van to rear, 
dealing destruction as they went. There was nothing 
which came in their way that they did not destroy, and 
many of the King's galliots were left burning, or 
branded, or sinking. Panic seized his soldiers, and the 
barbarian King, overcome with fear, quitted his royal 
ship, and embarknig on a lighter vessel which had been 
kept in readiness for such an emergency, took to flight. 
Finding they had reached the rear of the enemy's fleet, 
our ships turned about and renewed the attack with 
the same vigour as before, passing through the midft 
of the King's ships and destroying all that lay in their 
path, which they continued to do until night fell, 
when our Captain judged it would be unwise to pro- 
long the encounter. At ten o'clock in the evening he 
withdrew his ships, greatly regretting that there wg 
not left a few hours of daylight to enable 
the viftory which was already in his grasp^ 



could he have made it complete, would have been one 
of the moft glorious the world has ever seen. So great 
was the confusion amongft the enemy's ships, that for 
two hours after we had retired they continued fighting 
amongft themselves, mistaking in the darkness of the 
night their own vessels for ours. 

In this battle the enemy's losses amounted to one 
thousand eight hundred persons killed, and two 
thousand wounded. Amongft the former were many 
of the King's relations, his chief Sea-Captain [Capitam 
mor do mar], the chief Captain of all the Moors, and 
many other captains of note. Besides the havoc 
which was wrought amongft hisja/eas and light vessels, 
five of his great galliots were sunk, three were set on 
fire, and fourteen were driven ashore. 

Six days later, that is on the 4th April, there was a 
second battle. For the King, having repaired the 
losses his armada had suffered in the previous engage- 
ment, came to search for our ships, which in good 
order, and divided into two squadrons, went boldly 
to meet him. The armada advanced in four squadrons, 
and our Captain-in-chief, Paulo do Rego, immediately 
engaged the leading squadron, and such was the fury 
of his attack that he speedily gained the upper hand, 
dispersing both galliots and smaller vessels. But as he 
turned to engage some of the enemy who ftill resisted 
him, it happened that his ship ran upon some piles 
which were below the surface of the water, and could 
not be dislodged. Seeing his plight, the enemy 
attacked him on all sides, and there was a desperate 
conflict Our men defended themselves with the 



utmost courage; but as they could not move their ship, 
they could only fight and die where they were. One 
of our Captains went to the assistance of our Captain- 
in-chief, and with many entreaties urged him at leaSl 
to save his life and the lives of those who were with 
him, which he could have done by abandoning his ship 
for the other. But he would not be prevailed upon, 
answering, like the brave Machabeus of old, "God 
forbid that we should behave in such a manner, and 
make the enemy think we fly from them. Since it is 
His will, let us die like Christians and faithful cavaliers." 
And so he continued to fight with marvellous heroism, 
surrounded by great numbers of the enemy, who from 
every side bombarded our ship with grenades and 
canifters of gunpowder. These at laSt set fire to our 
own powder, of which the Captain's ship carried a 
large quantity, being the magazine of the fleet. This 
completed the destruction of our ship, 7 and with it 
perished our Captain-in-chief and all his company, 
without the escape of a single man. The Captain of the 
ship who went to his succour also perished. 

When it was seen what had befallen our Captain, 
the reSt of our fleet, which in another quarter was 
engaging and had almoSt overcome the enemy, withdrew 
fighting and in good order to the fortress, where the 
ships arrived all badly damaged by bombards, and full 
of water. In this battle there fell on the enemy's side 
the chief Captain of the King of Chocoria, and many 
other Captains and men, whose number is not known. 
On our side, besides the Captain-in-chief and his 
company, there fell, as has been said, the Captain of 



the ship that went to his aid, with whom also fell four 
soldiers, whilft others were wounded. 

Our losses also included Father Natal Salerno of our 
Company, who was on the Captain-General's ship. 
This good Father was a Sicilian by birth, and of a 
very noble disposition. By his piety, his gentleness, 
and the sweetness of his discourse, combined with a 
child-like simplicity such as is very rarely met with, 
he captivated the hearts of all with whom he came in 
contaft. He was so beloved by the soldiers, and so 
great was their faith in his virtue, that they would not 
embark unless they took him with them, believing that 
with him, and through his merits, they were sure of 
viftory; for such had been their experience in their 
paft battles, in which the good Father had always 
accompanied them. At this time, he had only ju& 
returned from Malaca, whither he had been sent by the 
Captain-General on business pertaining to the safety of 
the fortress. Without allowing him a moment's re&, 
the Captains and soldiers had insisted that he should 
accompany them, though he needed little pressing, so 
great was his zeal for the Faith, and so earned his desire 
to aid them in their glorious enterprise. His death 
was sincerely mourned by all, and particularly by our 
Captain-General, Philippe de Brito, by whom the 
Father had been greatly respe&ed and loved. 




THE King of Arracam thought that the Portuguese, 
having loft their chief Captain, Paulo do Rego, would 
no longer have the courage to defend themselves, 
especially as there had now come to his assistance, the 
Prince of Tangu and his two brothers, and also a brother 
of the King, who, with sixteen thousand fighting men, 
six hundred horses, and eighteen elephants were ready 
to lay siege to the fortress by land, whilft he himself 
with his armada attacked it from the sea. Accordingly, 
both he and the Prince his son sent messages to our 
Captain-General, Philippe de Brito. The Prince in 
his message said that the General would do wisely, 
seeing that Paulo do Rego was dead, to come and speak 
privately with his father, and that he himself would 
intercede for him, in return for the kind treatment he 
had received whilft a prisoner in his hands in the 
fortress of Siriam. The King's message was to the 
effeft that, as he had been joined by a large force from 
Tangu, our General could no longer escape defeat, 
and that if he would come and throw himself at his feet 
he would pardon him, and would give him the fortress 
and make peace. In response to the Prince, Philippe 
de Brito said that he appreciated his desire to oblige 
him, but that he would reserve it for greater things; 
and that if he thought that the loss of one Captain would 
prevent him from holding the fortress, the issue of the 



war would very soon undeceive him. To the King 
he replied that his promises of peace were only made to 
be broken; that it was unnecessary for him to receive 
the fortress at his hands, since he held it for His Majesty 
the King of Portugal, to whom, as his vassal and Cap- 
tain, he had given his allegiance; that of the coming 
of the Princes of Tangu he made no account, for 
experience had taught him that their forces, like those 
of the King himself, were of little worth ; that he would 
be only too pleased if he would summon other friendly 
kings to his aid, so that there might be some credit in 
holding the fortress, within which, he said, he had every 
expectation of entertaining His Majesty, as on a 
previous occasion he had entertained his son. 

This answer roused the King to such indignation 
that he called his soldiers together and made them an 
oration, in which he told them in plain words that if 
they did not avenge the insult he had received, not one 
of them should ever return to Arracam; for if they 
escaped the swords of the Portuguese, his own was 
ready to fall on their necks. And they had good need 
of such warning; for so great was the fear with which 
our soldiers had inspired them, that if he had not dis- 
played this resolution, nothing would have induced 
them to Stand their ground and fight. And, in fad, 
in all the engagements which followed, it was only the 
threats and presence of the King, and the naked sword 
which was always in his hand, that made them go into 
battle or turn back when flying. After this there were 
three more naval fights, in all of which God aided our 
soldiers, so that they came out victorious, having 



destroyed the armada of Magua, and having slain 
many of the enemy, as in the firft two battles. 

As we, too, had loft a number of men, chiefly cap- 
tains, as well as three ships, and as it seemed to be the 
enemy's intention to destroy our force little by little, 
though with great loss to themselves, our General, 
to prevent this, and to ensure the safety of the fortress, 
had all our ships drawn up on the shore, and having 
disembarked the men, made preparations to meet the 
enemy henceforward in the field. The King also 
landed his soldiers, but kept his fleet manned, after 
which his forces on the one side, and those of Tangu 
on the other, besieged the fortress by land, whilft he 
with the remainder of his armada bombarded it from the 
sea; and for thirty days so continuous and fierce was 
their attack that there was not a day or a night during 
which the defenders had any respite from the unceasing 
fire of their guns. Many times our little garrison, 
though so greatly outnumbered, sallied forth to fight 
in the open with sword and lance; and, by the will of 
God, not once did the enemy get the better of the 
encounter, but was always defeated with great slaughter, 
and with the loss of his Stockades and shelters, which 
our men destroyed. It would be impossible to describe 
in detail the various incidents of this siege, and the 
feats of arms which our soldiers performed, recalling 
those early days in India when God so miraculously 
helped his servants, and fought for them againft the 
enemies of his faith. It was a marvellous speftacle, 
and one that was often witnessed during these days, 
to see a large body of troops so completely routed by a 



handful of men that, despite the dreadful threats of the 
King, and though the Prince his son slew many with 
his own hand, nothing could ay their flight. 

On one occasion our General sent two Captains with 

sixty Portuguese soldiers and two hundred Pegus to 

attack a blockade which the enemy had erefted less 

than half a league from the fortress, and which played 

an important part in their operations. It was manned 

by a lrong force of musketeers under a great Captain 

named Mauia. At great risk, and passing by many 

dangerous places, our men reached the ftockade at 

daybreak, and falling on the enemy with great courage 

and vehemence, put seventy of their beft men to the 

sword, including four Captains. They then went in 

pursuit of the others who had fled as they entered the 

Cockade, and coming up with them on the bank of 

the river, drove them into the mud, many including 

their chief Captain being wounded, the latter very 

severely. Whilst the Portuguese soldiers were following 

ing up their victory, the Pegus, with none to hinder 

them, set fire to the ftockade, killing or capturing any 

whom they found concealed within it. Then, having 

collected a large quantity of arms, the whole party, 

in full view of the armada and of another Cockade 

which was occupied by the enemy, withdrew to the 

fortress, without a single person being either killed or 


After other battles, in which the enemy greatly out- 
numbered us with his elephants, horses, musketeers, 
and light artillery, the King one day decided to make an 
attack both by sea and by land with the whole of his 


power. A number of vessels loaded with ftraw and 
fuel were sent to set fire to our ships, which had been 
drawn up on the shore, but were well barricaded and 
all in readiness for battle. These vessels were closely 
followed by the reft of the armada. The King was 
on his royal ship, and, Standing where he could be seen 
by all, urged and encouraged his men to fight. He 
had given orders that, at the same time, all the land 
forces, both his own and those of Tangu, were to make 
an assault on the fortress, believing that, with our 
small numbers, it would be impossible for us to defend 
our ships from an attack by sea, and at the same time 
hold the fortress againft his land forces. 

By sea, then, came the whole of the enemy's naval 
power, the ships making Straight for the shore and the 
quay where our General with thirty men had taken his 
ftand, in order to defend the quay itself, and our ships 
which were near it. They were received with artillery 
and musketry fire which caused terrible destruction, 
shattering their galliots and other vessels, and killing 
many of their braveft Captains and soldiers, who fought 
with such determination that it seemed as if they chose 
to be vanquished and killed, rather than be seen alive 
by their King. The latter was himself in great danger ; 
for those in the fortifications, recognising his ship, 
turned a piece of artillery on to it, and the shot so nearly 
reached its mark that the ship was obliged to retire. 
It was only the person and presence of the King that 
had maintained the fight; and the moment his ship 
withdrew, the entire armada followed suit. 

Nor were our men less successful by land where, 


during the same hours, that is from midday till night, 
they engaged in the field the combined armies of the 
King of Tangu, and of the Mogos. In this battle 
the enemy's forces were completely defeated, and 
driven back with heavy losses to their encampment. 
After the events of this day, the King, realising at laft 
how little chance he had of overcoming the Portuguese, 
decided to abandon the siege. So, on the 9th of May, 
the Prince of Tangu sent some three hundred of the 
beft men he had with him towards our Stockades to 
keep our troops engaged, so that he might be able to 
leave his camp, and march away unmolested. But a 
party of our men moved out and fell upon them, driving 
them back to their camp with great loss. The Slate 
of panic in which they returned quickly infefted the 
other troops, who, believing their camp was no longer 
secure, leapt over the pallisades and took to flight. 
Our troops were unable to pursue them owing to the 
lateness of the hour. The same night the King of 
Arracam embarked all his land forces, and the next 
day, which was the loth of May, departed for his own 
country, leaving our men so worn out by all that they 
had been through that they were unable, to their great 
disappointment, to go in pursuit of him. 1 

During the siege much damage was done to the fort- 
ress and in the city by the enemy's guns. Numbers 
of houses were destroyed, and churches, and many 
were wounded. But very different were the losses 
of the enemy. For of that vaSt armada which the 
barbarian King brought againSt us, consisting as we 
have said above of one thousand and two hundred sail, 



he took back to his country only two hundred and 
sixty-two vessels (twelve galliots and two hundred and 
fifty jaleas)\ of the remainder, some were burnt or sunk 
by us ; others he set fire to and sank himself, or ran them 
ashore, not having sufficient people to man them and 
take them away. Of his artillery the greater part was 
left behind buried on the sea-shore; and from informa- 
tion which afterwards reached our General from 
Arracam, it was learnt that he loft as many as ten 
thousand of his men, amongft whom were many of his 
chief Captains, moftly Moors, for it was these who 
exposed themselves where the danger was great. The 
King of Tangu loft six elephants, forty horses, and 
fifteen hundred men including his chief Captains. 
On our side eighty-six men were killed, including ten 
Captains and our Captain-in-chief, Paulo do Rego. 

When the enemy had departed, our General repaired 
the fortress as well as he could, and when the men had 
enjoyed some reft after their paft exertions, he ordered 
the fleet to put to sea, partly to show that the ftrength 
of the Portuguese was not exhaufted, and also to go in 
search of provisions and plunder. The Lord delivered 
into their hands some Moorish ships very richly 
ladened; and though one of these resifted in a very 
determined manner, they boarded it and slew those 
who defended it. Our soldiers were well satisfied with 
the booty they secured. 

On the 1 2th of the following January, the Portuguese 
suffered a calamity as heavy as any they had experienced 
in the paft; for a fire broke out in their fortress and 
burnt with such fury that the entire ftrufture, which 



was mainly composed of wood, was destroyed. By the 
mercy of God, the General escaped from the flames 
but with one leg half burnt. His wife also had a very 
narrow escape. All the goods and the treasure which 
were in the fortress perished. Houses, churches and 
their ornaments, provision Stores, munition Stores 
all were destroyed. Apart from these losses, the 
seriousness of which it would be impossible to ex. 
aggerate, the fortress was now rendered completely 
untenable. But the General, Philippe de Brito, being 
a man of dauntless spirit, set to work with great energy 
to rebuild it, but in a higher and more defensible place, 
anticipating that the King of Arracam, on learning 
what had happened, would soon be returning to attack 
it. This the King soon determined to do; but while 
he was preparing an armada for the purpose, God con- 
founded his designs ; for at this very time news reached 
him that a Portuguese Captain, by name Belchior 
Godinho, having come from India with four ships, and 
having been joined by another bold Captain named 
Baiam Gon^aluez, 2 who with some jakas and a few 
Portuguese had made himself greatly feared in those 
parts, had descended upon Dianga, a port of this same 
Mogo King, completely destroying it and capturing 
sixty pieces of artillery, and that he intended to do like- 
wise to the fortress at Chatigam, which is a very rich and 
busy city. Godinho had already destroyed the adjacent 
villages and suburbs, but had not yet attacked the 
fortress, because his men, knowing that the assault 
would be a very perilous affair, and being unwilling 
to risk their lives without firSt having made confession, 



which, there being no prieSt with them, they were 
unable to do, had begged him to postpone the enter- 
prise until a prieSt to whom they could confess had 
been obtained, so that they might die, if die they 
muSt, like Christians and like the good Catholics 
they were. 

These tidings greatly alarmed the King, and having 
to defend his own kingdom he abandoned his intention 
of going to Siriam, and recalled his ships which were 
already on the rivers. Belchior Godinho with all the 
supplies he could get went to the assistance of the 
fortress; and having seen that it was in a position to 
defend itself, sailed for India in search of further 
assistance, doing all at his own expense. After this 
our General learnt that when the Mogo was in the midSt 
of his preparations for bringing an armada to Siriam, 
by the will of Providence, and as a juSt judgment on 
him, his royal palace was completely destroyed by fire. 
Three hundred of his concubines were in the building, 
as well as a large Store of munitions of war; and the fire 
spread to some of the ships which he had intended to 
send againSt the Portuguese. Besides this, a ship 
which was bringing him six hundred Moorish mer- 
cenaries from Masulapatam was Struck by lightning 
and sunk. All who were on board were drowned 
except ten, who escaped in a small boat. This news 
made our General all the more eager to dispatch the 
armada which he had made ready to send againSt this 
tyrant. As our Captains and soldiers were reluftant 
to embark unless accompanied by a Father of the 
Company to whom they could confess, and who would 



encourage them in times of peril, their wishes were 
granted, and the Father, Manoel Pirez, the Superior 
of that Mission, who was much beloved and respefted 
by all, was sent with them. Father loam Maria, who 
had come from India to be his companion, remained 
in the fortress. 3 



THIS vi&ory, gained at so little coft over two such 
powerful kings, added greatly to the reputation of the 
Portuguese amongft the surrounding peoples, to whom 
it seemed that the little fortress of Seriao, under its 
captain, Philippe de Brito, was able to hold its own 
againft the forces of any king whatsoever. But 
Philippe de Brito, whose energy and determination 
seemed to triumph over everything, attempted to build 
beyond the Strength of his foundations. 

It happened at this time that the King of Ova, 
having colle&ed a force of a hundred and fifty thousand 
men, which included thirty thousand cavalry, three 
thousand fighting elephants, and two thousand vessels 
great and small, attacked and easily subdued the king- 
dom of Porao [Prome]. He left a small force in the 
principal city, and carried away as captives the King 
and the Queen and the chief nobles of the kingdom. 
He then went to attack the kingdom of Tangu. After 
he had besieged it for two months, the King of Tangu 
accepted his terms, which were, that he should become 
his vassal, and give up to him all his elephants, and the 
famous rubies and other precious Clones which he had 
taken from the Emperor of Pegu. When everything 
had been handed over, the King of Ova, carried on a 
high throne, made the circuit of the walls of the city, 
the King of Tangu mounted on an alia? which is a 

241 Q 


female elephant, riding on his left side. At the con- 
clusion of his triumph, he handed his vassal the keys of 
the city, after which, leaving him a few elephants of 
little worth, some pieces of light artillery such as berfos 
and roqueiras* and a small body of horsemen under a 
Captain whom he could truft, he returned to Ova, 
taking with him all the Captains and other persons of 
consequence in the kingdom of Tangu, which he thus 
left an easy prey for anyone who might come to seize it. 
The opportunity presented by the defenceless Slate 
of this kingdom, and that of Porao, was not loft on 
Philippe de Brito; and in the year 1610 he attacked 
Porao with his armada, and meeting with little resift- 
ance, entered the city and plundered it of the little that 
remained in it. Then, bringing some Pegus with him, 
he returned to the fortress at Seriao; for the King of 
Ova had already sent much people, with cavalry, to 
relieve Porao. 

At this time, Philippe de Brito allied himself with 
the King of Martavao, which is ten leagues from Seriao, 
marrying his son Simao de Brito with the daughter of 
this King, under the directions of the Father Frei Fran- 
cisco da Annuncia?ao, of the order of the Dominicans, 
whom we have mentioned before. After the lady had 
been catechised and baptised, the betrothal took place 
before Philippe de Brito, who was embarked with all 
his soldiers on a big fleet which he had near to the walls 
of Marmulao 4 (a kingdom contiguous to Martavao). 
It was arranged between Philippe de Brito and the 
BanhadelA, who was the King of Martavao and father 
of the bride, that the Banhanoy, the King's son, should 



go with Philippe de Brito to live at Syriam, and that 
Simao de Brito should remain with the king his father- 
in-law. As soon as the Banhanoy had come on board 
the fleet, Philippe de Brito and the Banhadeld ex- 
changed pledges of friendship, vowing that they would 
be brothers in arms, that the friends and enemies of the 
one should be the friends and enemies of the other, 
and that if either should be in danger or in need, the 
other should come to his assistance with all the means 
at his disposal. Philippe de Brito sent the Father 
Francisco to administer the oath to the King, and he 
himself took the same in the name of His Majefty. 
The King was in the presence of his people when the 
Father arrived with an interpreter. The Father asked 
His Majefty to order something higher to be brought 
to hold the image of our Lady, on which he was to 
swear. The Banha, without a word, had a golden 
ftool brought; seeing which, those present began to 
say to one another, " Either the Banha is mad, or he 
is in great fear of the Portuguese." Hearing their 
murmurs, and looking on the beautiful image of our 
Lady, which was that which the Viceroy, Aires de 
Saldanha, had given to his niece, the wife of Philippe 
de Brito, the Banha said, " I know what I am doing; 
for so beautiful a lady cannot be any other than the 
mother or the daughter of God." He then laid before 
the image an offering of betel and areca nut, which 
greatly amazed all who were with him. 

Having made their vows, Philippe de Brito and the 
Banha arranged to make a combined attack on the 
King of Tangu, vassal of the King of Ova, Philippe de 



Brito saying that his vow of friendship to the King of 
Tangu (which he had aftually sworn) 6 had been taken 
before that King became the vassal of Ova, and that he 
was not, therefore, under any obligation to comply with 
it, and that, moreover, it was not the King of Tangu that 
he was going to make war upon on this occasion, but 
the vassal of the King of Ova. Accordingly, at the 
end of the year 1 6 1 o, Philippe de Brito and the Captains 
and people of the Banhadeld set out for Tangu with a 
great fleet of more than a hundred vessels, of which the 
Portuguese supplied twenty with two hundred men, 
the remainder of the force consisting of Christian and 
Gentile Pegus, and the people of the said King of 
Martavao. When Philippe de Brito appeared with his 
fleet before the city of Tangu, the King sent word to 
him that he would become the vassal of His Majesty, 
if nothing more was demanded of him. But Philippe 
de Brito looked for much more than this, and paying 
no attention to the message, laid siege to the city. 
After five days, seeing how few the defenders were, he 
ordered seventy of the beft soldiers he had brought with 
him to scale the walls. These men, and others who 
followed them, bravely attacked the King of Tangu, 
who met them with two hundred mounted soldiers 
which the King of Ova had left in the city, and who 
were led by Mareco Joab, the King's brother, and 
general of the kingdom. Mareco Joab, who was 
mounted on a huge elephant, fell upon our men with 
such vigour that he almoft succeeded in driving them 
out of the city. But Francisco Martins, a captain of 
great spirit, discharged his musket at him, and killed 



him. The elephant thereon turned and took to flight, 
followed by the horsemen of the King of Ova, and all on 
account of this lucky shot. The King of Tangu 
ftraightway sounded his trumpets, and sent word to 
Philippe de Brito that he was the vassal of the great 
King of Portugal, and that he was ready to surrender 
his person and all that he possessed. A truce of three 
hours followed the receipt of this message, during 
which the Queen of Tangu and the wife of Mareco 
Joab, taking with them the moft valuable of the jewels 
in the King's treasury, made their escape from the 
city by a poftern gate which our men had left un- 
guarded; for the city was so great that they had not 
enough men to surround it. Although these ladies 
took away with them the moft precious of the King's 
possessions, the treasure found by Philippe de Brito 
and his soldiers amounted in value to nine hundred 
thousand crusados. It included, besides silver and gold, 
two martavanas* filled with precious ftones, but not 
of very fine quality, two rubies which adorned the 
door of the King's oratory, each, it is said, the size of a 
bullet, as well as many Clones of immense value which 
the King of Tangu and his sons wore on their persons. 
With these princes, and the riches aforesaid, Philippe 
de Brito entered Seriao in triumph, having the King 
of Tangu on his right hand. He provided a residence 
for the King in some fine houses near to his own, where 
formerly the captive prince of Arracao had been 
lodged. Thus again the treasures of Pegu brought 
disaster on their possessor. And there was yet to be 
another viftim, as we shall see. 



The King of Tangu, besides being related to the King 
of Ova, was his vassal, and under his protection. The 
latter, puffed up with pride on account of his recent 
viftories, thought that none could venture to oppose 
him. When, therefore, he heard what Philippe de 
Brito had done at Tangu, he was filled with rage; 
and, cabling aside his cabaia and throwing his turban 
on the ground, which amongst these people are the 
highest manifestations of displeasure, he left his city 
and took a solemn oath before his idol, Biay de Degii, 
that he would not again enter it until he had avenged 
the death of his cousin Mareco Joab, and the insult 
he had received from Philippe de Brito. Accordingly, 
he sent peremptory orders to all parts of his kingdom 
summoning every man of twenty years of age and over 
to join him; and in a short time he had collected an 
army such as we have described above, consisting of a 
hundred and twenty thousand men, and four hundred 
ships, on which he embarked, besides his own fighting 
men, six thousand Moors de carapufa? With this 
great force he came to attack the fortress of Syriam. 

The King of Ova with the above-mentioned force 
reached Syriam on the ipth February, 1613. On the 
next day his men set fire to everything that was outside 
the fortress. The following night they placed many 
ladders againSt the bastion of Francisco Mendes, which 
was held by a captain named Agoftinho de Sousa; 
but those who made the attempt met with so hot a 
reception that they withdrew, and did not repeat the 
experiment, preferring to wage war in some other 



The fortress was at this time in a very weak State; 
for Philippe de Brito had allowed moft of his people 
to go to India. Nor was there any gunpowder, except 
what was made each day, which scarcely sufficed for 
loading the muskets ; so that not a single bombard was 
fired on the enemy, who, in consequence, did not 
hesitate to come near to the walls. So little foresight 
had been used, that when large quantities of gun- 
powder came into their hands at Tangu, the Portuguese 
regarded it as of no value and set fire to it; and after- 
wards, when it would have been possible to send a 
married resident of the fortress to procure powder in 
Bengala, a soldier was sent instead, who not only did not 
procure any, but made off with the money that had been 
entrusted to him for the purpose, giving no thought 
to the needs of the fortress, nor to the sufferings which 
his treachery might cause. A galliot belonging to 
a resident of Serioa was sent to San-Thorn^ for the 
same purpose; but it was the will of God that no 
succour should reach the besieged from any quarter. 
Within the fortress itself insubordination was rife, and 
ju&ice and reason were banished. Murders were 
committed on the smallest provocation; and such out 
rages Philippe de Brito had not the courage to punish, 
for in their growing unruliness the Portuguese trampled 
upon all authority. At the commencement of the 
siege, Philippe de Brito had at his disposal ninety-seven 
Portuguese and more than three thousand Pegus. 
Though they had nothing to fight with but boiling oil, 
tar, and water, they placed themselves on the walls to 
make a show of Strength. On the firSl night our men 



themselves slew Gomes da CoSta, who had been ap- 
pointed Captain-in-chief of the troops; for, by their con- 
trivance, a soldier discharged a musket at him from 
behind, and he fell dead. In the morning they chose 
as Captain-in-chief one AgoStinho Fernandes, who had 
come from Banguela, and besides him another, nick- 
named "Dominus-tecum," who with a portion of the 
defenders was to render assistance wherever it should be 
moSt necessary. All else they did was to Strengthen the 
walls on the inside with a lining of earth, the women 
assisting them. 

During the third night, the enemy surrounded the 
fortress with a Stockade. WhilSt they were engaged 
on this work, not a single piece of artillery was dis- 
charged againSt them, and thus our shortage of gun- 
powder was disclosed. From the Stockade on the 
eaStern side they made tunnels up to the walls, 
which they undermined with a work of forty mines. 
They then began to bombard the baStion of Sao 
Domingos. During this attack a cannon-ball pierced 
the baStion of the Captain-General, and fell on the 
oratory, causing great panic amongSt the women. 
This gun was one which the enemy, who had no 
heavy artillery, had taken from a ship which had 
arrived from Bengala, and which, unable to defend 
itself againSt the large number of vessels by which it 
was attacked, was captured. 

Seeing that the fortress was undermined, and that 
its walls were already breached, our men held a council 
of war, and decided to send three ships to attack the 
enemy's fleet, believing that all their men were on shore. 



They had scarcely set out when one of the three was 
attacked by many vessels of the enemy, who boarded it, 
and passing ropes to the land, dragged it up on to the 
shore, and there every man on board was killed. The 
other two were similarly attacked as they came back; 
but though those on board were all wounded, they 
succeeded in returning to the fortress, and took their 
places on the walls. 

At the end of the third week of the siege our men, 
who had not ceased fighting day or night, were almost 
worn out. The Pegus cried out to them, " Fight on, 
Portuguese : for you do not know what it means to fall 
into the hands of the Bramas." But, as has been said 
above, they had nothing to fight with but boiling oil 
and tar, so that the enemy grew more and more daring 
in their attempts to reach the walls. The Portuguese 
did not now number more than fifty; for seventeen of 
them had been burnt to death in a Stockade which had 
been made to protedt a shattered bastion; while the 
Pegus were beginning to show signs of disaffection. 

On the thirty-fourth day, our men took counsel 
together as to whether they should surrender them- 
selves to the Bramas, if the Pegus surrendered; for they 
daily expected that they would do so. They decided 
to ask the King if he would grant them their lives, and 
allow them to depart in a ship. Accordingly, they 
sent him an olaf which is the same as a letter, begging 
him, with all the eloquence at their command, to grant 
them these terms. The letter was taken by a Portu- 
guese named Sebaftiao Rodrigues Panchina; but the 
enemy refused to receive it, and would not permit our 



envoy to enter their Cockade. His arrival was made 
known to the King, who sent word to him that he had 
beft get back whence he had come, for he was deter- 
mined to spare no one; and with this answer Sebaftiao 
Rodrigues returned sadly to the fortress. 

At this junfture, theMogo king of Arracao, who was 
now on friendly terms with Philippe de Brito, taking 
alarm at the near approach of his powerful enemy the 
King of Ova, who, he knew, was not likely to leave him 
unmolested, sent a fleet of fifty jaleas to the assistance 
of our fortress, hoping thereby to avert the danger 
which threatened him. But this only added fuel to 
the fire; for the King of Ova's fleet speedily overcame 
and captured all the vessels of the Mogo king, and the 
few who escaped from them sought refuge in the 

For three days more our men continued to fight. 
On the evening of the thirty-sixth day of the siege, the 
enemy attacked them on all sides, both by sea and by 
land. By daybreak moft of ours had been killed, and 
all were wounded. At eight o'clock in the morning, 
seeing that the grenades thrown by our men contained 
nothing but lime, which did little harm, the whole of 
the King's guard advanced in a body. At the same 
inftant the captain of the Pegus, who was called Ban- 
halao, leapt from the walls and joined the besiegers, 
who thereupon rushed into the fortress, where there was 
now none to resift them. By the King's orders no 
quarter was given either to men or women. At the 
well of Francisco Mendes, and in other parts of the 
fortress, they slew more than seven hundred persons, 



including Pegus, Canarins, 9 and Portuguese. At four 
o'clock in the afternoon the Prince, who is now the King, 
entered the fortress with his younger brother, and 
ordered the slaughter to cease. Philippe de Brito and 
his wife were made prisoners and at midnight the 
former was tied up and Wrangled to death. A Sake 
was then fixed in the ground on which his body was 
impaled. 10 

Such was the end of Philippe de Brito and the fort- 
ress of Syriam. The King of Ova took away as 
captives five thousand Chriftians of the country (who 
did not renounce their faith in captivity), 11 and a hun- 
dred and sixty Portuguese, including twenty-two white 
women, which shows how populous and prosperous 
this settlement had become. Indeed, had Philippe 
de Brito been content to extend his power little by little, 
inftead of embarking on such difficult enterprises 
and making such powerful enemies, the fortress of 
Syriam might have become the greatest of HisMajefty's 
possessions in the Eaft, both for the acquirement of 
riches and for the conversion of souls. 



1 From Part I of the Relations, pp. 62-71. 

2 The name ' Bengak ' was loosely used by the Jesuits, and other 
Portuguese writers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, to denote 
the Gangetic delta and the surrounding districts, including Orissa on 
the western side of the Bay of Bengal, and the kingdom of Arakan on 
the eastern side. At the end of the reign of Akbar, the river Meghna 
may be said to have marked the eastern limit of the Mogul province of 
Bengal ; for though Akbar appears at times to have exercised, or at any 
rate to have claimed, some sort of jurisdiction over Chittagong, this port 
remained in the possession of the Kings of Arakan until the reign of 
Aurangzib. It was finally conquered and annexed to the Mogul 
empire in 1665. The Bengal province was always a trouble to Akbar, 
and for many years his control over the lower portion, that is to say, 
the tract between the estuaries of the Hooghly and the Meghna, was 
little more than nominal. Ralph Fitch, who went to Siripur in 1 586, 
wrote, "They be all hereabout rebels against their king Zelabdim 
Echebar " ; and it is plain from Father Pimenta's letters of the years 
1 599 and 1600 that at that time the various ' kings ' of this tract were, 
to all intents and purposes, independent. 

The name Chittagong (to be derived, according to Yule, from the 
Sanskrit Chaturgrama, 'the four villages') is to be met with in 
numerous disguises. In the Foyages of Ibn Batuta it appears as * Sud- 
kawan.' De Barros, and most of the Portuguese writers, spell it 
'Chatigam.' Linschoten has ' Chatigan,' and Orme ' Chittigan.' 
The town is also frequently referred to as Porto Grande, the Portuguese 
name for the estuary of the Meghna, of which Chittagong is the prin- 
cipal port. In the same way, town of the Satigam is frequently referred 
to as Porto Pequeno, the name given to the estuary of the Hooghly 
(see Mr. W. H. Moreland's note on the seaports of Bengal on pp. 307-9 
of his India at the Death of Akbar). That the word porto in each of 
these cases is used to denote, not a town, but an estuary (including both 
the tidal portion of the river and the gulf into which it flows) is shown, 
as Mr. Moreland points out, by such expressions as, " Siripur, qui est 
une demeure des Portugais des appartenances du grand port" (Du 
Jarric, Hiffoire, 1, 610) ; " De Siripur ils passerent a Chatigam, qui est 
le nom de k viDe, situ^e au grand port" (MM., I, 6n) ; " Fomos a 
Chatigao bandel do porto grande " (Pimenta, Letter of November 26th, 
1599). The Portuguese not infrequently named cities after the 




countries or localities in which they were situated. A notable example 
is their frequent reference to the ' city of Bengak,' by which name 
they designated the city of Gaur (vide Mr. Longworth Dames's note 
in Vol. II, pp. 135-144, of his translation of Duarte Barbosa). 

3 Mogo is for * Magh * or ' Mugg,' a name commonly applied to the 
people of Arakan. The origin of the word is obscure. Sir A. Phayre 
(Hiflory of Burma, p. 48) derives it from Maga, the name of the ruling 
race of the ancient kingdom of Magadha (Behar), to which the early 
Kings of Arakan are said to have belonged. Another suggested deriva- 
tion is the Persian word magh> meaning a fire-worshipper, and the name 
is supposed to have originated with the Muhammadans, who some- 
times confused Buddhists with fire-worshippers (see Hobson-Jobson, 

P- 594)- 

4 The name of this King was Meng Rajagyi, sometimes known by 
his Muhammadan tide, Salim Shah, who reigned from 1593 to 1612. 
Meng Rajagyi's kingdom included, on the north, the whole of the 
present diftrict of Chittagong, and portions of Noakhali and Tippera. 
To the south it extended as far as cape Negrais, while what are now 
known as the Arakan Yomas constituted its ill-defined eastern boundary. 
The Portuguese made their first appearance in Arakan in the year 1517. 
After this they came in increasing numbers, and at the end of the six- 
teenth century there was a considerable European popuktion, traders, 
adventurers, and scamps, scattered about the country. The two 
principal Portuguese settlements were at Chittagong [Chatigam] and 
Dianga, the former situated on the northern side of the e&uary of the 
River Kurnaphuli, and the ktter, some twenty miles distant, on the 
southern side of the eftuary. A thriving trade, says Sir A. Phayre, 
was carried on with the ports of Bengal, " but the Portuguese made 
themselves odious to their Asiatic neighbours by their piratical attacks 
on the native vessels which their galleys fell in with at sea." 

5 The name of this king was Nanda Bureng. He was the son, and 
the unworthy successor, of the famous Bureng Naung, the conquering 
hero of Burmese hiftory. Bureng Naung's assumption of the magni- 
ficent tide ' King of Kings ' was no idle boast ; for in the course of 
his thirty years' reign (i 5 5 i-i 58 1), he extended his sway not only over 
the neighbouring kingdoms of Tangu, Prome, and Martaban, but over 
the kingdoms of Ava, Mogaung, and Monyin, in the north, Siam in 
the south, and the eastern kingdoms of Laos and Chieng-mai. Only 
the maritime kingdom of Arakan remained unsubdued ; and it was while 
attempting to complete his Burmese empire by the conquest of this 
kingdom that Bureng Naung met his death. 

Nanda Bureng was as unworthy as he was unfit to succeed to so 
splendid and so perilous a heritage. Possessing neither the adminiftra- 
tive ability nor the military genius of his father, nor indeed any other 
kingly quality, he was incapable of ruling his own people, much less an 



empire. One by one the tributary kingdoms recovered their indepen- 
dence, and before he had been eight years on the throne his territories 
were bounded by the walls of his capital city. The remainder of his 
miserable story is told in the text. " Thus," to quote the words of 
Sir Arthur Phayre, " the great empire of united Pegu and Burma, 
which a generation before had excited the wonder of European travellers, 
was utterly broken up ; and the wide delta of the Irawadi, with a soil 
fertile as Egypt, and in a geographical position commanding the outlet 
of a great natural highway, was abandoned by those who might claim 
to represent the ancient rulers, and left to be parcelled out by petty local 
chiefs and European adventurers." 

8 The Portuguese alquier is equal to about two English gallons. 

7 Ralph Fitch, who was at Pegu in 1586, says that the King then had 
four white elephants. " This King," he says, " in his title is called 
the King of the White Elephants. If any other king have one, and will 
not send it him, he will make warre with him for it ; for he had rather 
lose a great part of his kingdome then not to conquere him. They do 
very great service unto these white elephants ; every one of them 
ftandeth in an house gilded with golde, and they doe feede in vessels 
of silver gilt. One of them when he doth go to the river to be washed, 
as every day they do, goeth under a canopy of golde or of silke carried 
over him by six or eight men, and eight or ten men goe before him 
playing on drummes, shawmes, or other instruments ; and when he is 
washed and commeth out of the river, there is a gentleman which doth 
wash his feet in a silver basin ; which is his office given him by the King. 
There is no such account made of any black elephant, be he never so 

8 This is not in accordance with Bocarro's account (see note I, 


9 The capital of Arakan at this time was Mrauku or Myohaung, 
situated on the river Lemro, some sixty miles to the north-east of 
Akyab. The city, as is evident from the ftatement in the text, and 
from the King's letter quoted in note 12, was also known as Arakan, 
a name which is often given to it today. 

10 At the end of the year 1 599 the Jesuit Mission to Bengala was in 
charge of the Fathers Francisco Fernandez, John Andrew Boves 
(loam Andre Boues), and Melchior Fonseca. The two former re- 
sided at Chatigam, and the last named at Chan di can. In 1 60 1 Melchior 
Fonseca went to Goa to ask for further assistance. This request 
Father Pimenta, the visitor in India, was against complying with, as 
the Mission to Japan had greatly exhausted his supply of workers. But 
the Viceroy, Ayres de Saldanha, peremptorily set aside his objections, 
and ordered him, under pain of his severe displeasure, to send at least 
four additional Fathers to Bengak. In his Annual Letter to the General 
of the Society, dated ist December, 1601, Pimenta wrote : " Let your 


Paternity know that the Viceroy of India went so far as to tell me before 
the Archbishop and the Bishop of Angamale and others that he 
would request me with chains ($uc de grilhos mo pediria). I was 
surprised and said that the Company was his, but that His Lordship 
could order, dispose, etc. The Father was not satisfied with fewer 
than four companions. He left Goa with three, quite picked subjects : 
Fathers Andre de Nabais, Bras Nunez and Natal Salerno, and the order 
was sent to S. Thome that Fr. Simao de Sk should start from there ; 
however he did not go, because the galliot of Pegu had left the very 
day when the order arrived." The Viceroy had evidently been greatly 
impressed by an optimistic account he had received from Philip de Brito 
of the prospects of the Portuguese in those parts. In his letter to 
Pimenta ordering the dispatch of the Fathers he wrote, " By letters and 
informations which I had from the kingdoms of Bengala and Pegu, 
I learned of the great fruit and notable service to Our Lord which 
the few Fathers of the Company residing in those parts obtain and 
render by teaching, and instructing, and the example they give to the 
Portuguese, and by the conversion of the Infidels, and that they are 
earnestly invited by the infidel Kings and Lords, who promise to give 
them leave to preach the holy Gospel and build churches among them, 
even offering the needful for their expenses. ... I therefore request 
and charge your Paternity (thus discharging my own conscience in the 
matter) to send to those parts many Religious of the Company that 
they may satisfy the desires of those Kings and Lords, and by preaching 
the holy Gospel may spread Holy Church throughout all those Pro- 
vinces, chiefly throughout Aracao, Pegu and MartavSo." 

Of the Fathers mentioned above, Francisco Fernandez died at 
Chatigam in 1602, and the following year Melchior Fonseca died at 
Chandican. Andrew Boves and Andreas de Nabais returned to India 
in 1604. Blassius Nunes and Natal Salerno resided in Arakan till 
1604, when they joined Philip de Brito at Syriam. Further details 
regarding these Fathers are to be found in the Rev. H. Hosten's notes 
to his translation of Pimenta's Annual Letter (see note 2, p. 259). 
It is from this translation that the extracts I have quoted are taken. 

11 According to Manrique (vide Colonel Luard's translation, Vol. I, 
p. 90) this was " a title corresponding to that of Captain-General of 
sea and land forces." Bocarro says the King's ' corangary * was 
" capitao geral de mar " (vide Decada 13, p. 126). In a subsequent 
passage he speaks of " O principe de Arracao com o seu general ou 
corangarim." The correct word is Korangri or Koyangyi, the letters 
' r ' and ' y ' being interchangable in Burmese. It is made up of the 
three words he =' body,* ran or yan =' to surround,' and gri or gyi 
' chief or ' head (as in thu-gyi, ' a village headman '). The title, 
therefore, means literally " the chief of the koyan or body-guard." 

12 The circumstances which led to this visit may be gathered from 



Father Pimento's letter to the General of the Society, dated Decem- 
ber ist, 1600. We learn that before the visit took place a letter had 
already been received from the King saying that he would welcome 
the residence of Fathers of the Company in his kingdom, that he would 
make provision for their maintenance, and that they would be free to 
build churches, and to baptize any who desired to become Christians. 
This was in reply to a letter which Father Fernandez, who was then at 
Chittagong, had sent to him. It had been the Father's intention to 
take the letter himself, but illness prevented him from doing so, and it 
was entrusted to leronimo Monteiro (que he homem muito honrado 
& amigo da Companhia & cabe muito com el Rey de Arracao). On 
the receipt of the King's reply, the Fathers decided to go and pay their 
respects to him, and thank him in person for the favours he had shown 
them. Pimenta's letter contains nothing further on the subject ; but 
it was evidently this visit of thanks which Guerreiro here describes. 
The King's letter, which Pimenta quotes, was as follows : " O muito 
alto & poderoso Rey de Arracao, Tiparas, Chacomas, & Bengala, 
Senhor dos reinos de Pegu Sec. a vos Padres da Companhia de IESV. 
Folguey muito com a vossa carta, por vir chea de palauras encaminhadas 
ao seruico de Deus, alem da informacao que Manoel de Matos & 
leronimo Monteiro me derao de vossa virtude & partes boas. Folgarey 
muito de virdes a mim pera assentarmos os negocios dos Portugueses, 
& aonde podereis fazer Igreja & Chri&aos aquelles que de sua vontade 
se quiserem fazer, pera isso vos darey comedias, & a gente de seruico 
que for necessaria. Dada & feita nesta cidade de Arracao com meu 
selo real." - .<i 

13 Chandican was at this time one of the most important of the 
miniature kingdoms of Bengak. It is frequently mentioned by writers 
of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and is marked on many early 
maps, often as an island, as on John Ogilby's map of the Mogul Empire, 
where it is called " Insula Chandacan." There appears to be no 
modern town with which the capital of the kingdom can be identified. 
In all probability the site of Chandican, like that of Siripur and other 
once populous towns of the Gangetic delta, has vanished in consequence 
of the changes that have taken place in the courses of the delta rivers. 
We are, however, told enough about Chandican to enable us to deter- 
mine approximately its position. Father Pimenta refers to it in his 
letter to the General of the Society dated November 26th, 1599* as 
being midway between Porto Pequeno and Porto Grande, and con- 
veniently situated for visiting all parts of Bengak (Esta* este ChandecSo 
no meio do caminho do porto pequeno pera o grande. E&ancia 
acomodada pera acudir delia a todas as partes de Bengak). In his 
letter of December, 1600, Pimenta States that when Father Fernandez 
arrived at Siripur, which was about eighteen miles south of Sonargaon 
(Fitch calls it six leagues), he was informed that the Raya, or King, 

257 R 


of Chandican was seriously annoyed with him for not visiting him. 
This suggests that Chandican and Siripur were not a great distance 
apart. Again, Father Melchior Fonseca, writing on January 2Oth, 
1600, tells us that, on his way from Chatigam (Chittagong) to Chandi- 
can, he visited Bacala, a town in the district of Bakarganj, of which 
* Bacala ' or * Bakla ' was the old name. Mr. H. Bevendge, in his 
M<Mr*tf/of the Bakarganj district, suggests the present village of Kachua, 
on the river Tetulia, as the site of the town of Bacala. Father Fonseca 
says that the remainder of his journey was through cultivated fields and 
rich pasture lands, watered by many streams. He reached Chandican 
on the 20th November, having left Chatigam the previous month. 
He does not mention the length of his stay at Bacala. Taken col- 
lectively, these statements indicate some spot in a dire&ion north-west 
from Kachua as the site of Chandican. In the sketch map on page 253 
I have shown it on the River Haringhata ; but this is merely a suggestion. 
There is nothing to indicate the extent of the kingdom of Chandican. 
Colonel Luard (Travels of Manriquc, I, p. 8) says that " the tract of 
country lying east of the Hugli river was known as Chandekhan in the 
fifteenth century and after." In his sketch map (ibid.. Introduction, 
p. xxiv) he shows the town of Chandekhan to the south-east of Siripur. 
But neither of these towns is correftly placed on this map, which Colonel 
Luard evidently had no opportunity of revising (vide his list of correc- 
tions at the end of his book). 

14 Macao was the name of a town on the Pegu river, situated, ac- 
cording to the Venetian traveller, Cesare Federeci, about twelve miles 
from Pegu city, of which it was the port (see Hobson-J obson, p. 527). 
It was visited by Ralph Fitch, who says, " From Cirion [Syriam] we 
went to Macao, which is a pretie town ; where we left our boats, and 
in the morning taking delingeges [dhoolies] . . . came to Pegu the 
same day." Guerreiro is of course wrong in describing Macao as the 
King of Pegu's fortress. 

15 In a letter written from Syriam on March 23rd, 1600, Father 
Andre wrote that he set out in company with Philip de Brito on the 
25th February, and reached Syriam in fifteen days : " Pareceo ao padre 
Francisco Fernandez que fosse eu pelo seruico que se faria a Deus 
nosso Senhor. assi aos 25 de Feuereiro me parti em hua galeota 
com o mesmo Felipe de Brito, & favorecendomos Deus muito na 
viagem, chegamos em quinze dias a esta barra de Siriao." 

16 Here follow a number of gruesome and revolting details which 
I have taken the liberty of omitting. 

17 See note 4, p. 275, 



1 From Part II of the Relations, fols. 4 

a There are various accounts of the origin of Felippe de Brito de 
Nicote. According to Sir A. Phayre, he was " a young Portuguese, 
originally a shipboy who had served as a menial in the King of Arakan's 
palace." Faria y Sousa says that the King " had raised him from a 
vile collier to his favour and esteem." The Fathers, on the other hand, 
lead us to suppose that he was, as his name implies, a person of some 
rank ; and this view is supported by the Grand Diccionaire Universe/, 
in which it is slated that he was born about 1550, and was the nephew 
of Jean Nicot, a distinguished diplomatist, and the introducer of tobacco 
into France. In a footnote on page 159, of his edition of Bocarro, 
Sr. J. de Lima Felner remarks on " the similarity of names and coinci- 
dence in dates," and asks, " Was Philippe de Brito, who was born in 
Lisbon, related to Jao Nicot who was French ambassador in Portugal 
till the year 1 560, and became celebrated by giving his name to the 
tobacco plant introduced [into Portugal] by a nephew of our historian 
Damiao de Goes ?" Sr. de Lima Felner commends his question to 
the attention of " the genealogical expert," and the reader will doubt- 
less be content to do likewise. 

If de Brito had no claim to noble birth, he was evidently, at this 
time at any rate, a person of considerable means. Father Pimenta, 
in his Annual Letter to the General of the Society written on the ist De- 
cember, 1 60 1, quotes a letter he had received in January of that year 
from de Brito containing an offer to endow the College at Quilon, and 
asking what sum would suffice to provide for the maintenance of that 
institution. " This man," the Father wrote, " is very rich and can 
found many colleges ; and to our residence of Negapatao he has given 
big alms." The major portion of Pimenta's letter, with an English 
translation and notes by the Rev. H. Hoften, S.J., was recently pub- 
lished in the Journal and Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal 
(Vol. XXIII, 1927, No. i). 

3 See note 2, p. 264. 

4 The name Macareo, which is here given to the Gulf of Martaban, 
was the term applied by early navigators to the bore, or tidal-wave, 
which is a prominent feature of the estuary of the Sittang river, and also 
of the Gulf of Cambay. The origin of the word has not been satis- 
factorily determined. It has been derived from the Sanskrit word 
makera, meaning ' a sea-monster ' ; but the suggestion appears to have 



little to support it beyond its plausibility. It has also been suggested 
that the French word macrte (later mascarct), meaning * a bore/ and 
especially the bore of the river Garonne, may have given rise to 
' macareo ' ; but Mgr. Dalgado, in his GJossario-Luso-dsiatico, says 
that he has little doubt that the French borrowed the word ' macareo/ 
changing it first into macrlc, and afterwards into the more polished 
mascaret. For a full discussion of the subject the reader is referred to 
the work mentioned above, and to Hobson-Job&on (p. 527). 

6 This is a mistake on Guerreiro's part. De Brito joined the King 
in Pegu in the early part of 1600 (see note 4, p. 263) ; it must, 
therefore, have been in that year that he commenced to fortify himself 
at Syriam. 

8 * Bare * is for the Sanskrit bahar, the name of an Indian measure 
of weight. According to Barbosa (1516), bahar was equivalent to 
4 quintals, or roughly 400 Ibs. But the bahar varied in different 
localities, and at different periods, and also according to the nature of 
the article weighed (vide Hobson-Jobson, p. 48). 

7 The Persian word gharib means ' humble,' ' lowly/ The ex- 
pression gharib-parwar, * Cherisher of the poor,' is much used in 
addressing superiors. 

8 Man Singh was appointed Governor of the province of Bengal in 
1585, and he held the appointment almost without intermission until 
Akbar's death twenty years later. The danger to which de Brito 
pointed was far from being an imaginary one. At this very time Man 
Singh was at Dacca, where he had already reduced ' Canderray,' the 
powerful Raja of Siripur, to submission. In his account of this year 
(1602), the author of the supplement to the Akbarnama says : " Various 
items of news from Bengal brought joy. In the first pkce, Rajah 
Man Singh came to Dhaka [Dacca] and by means of hopes and fears 
brought the ruler Kedar Rai on the right road of service " (Akbarnama, 
tr. Beveridge, p. 1213). 

Early in the following year (1603) the King of Arakan himself took 
the offensive by attacking Sonargaon ; but the attempt was a costly 
failure (ibid., p. 1231). He then proceeded with a fleet and a krge 
army, in which were many Portuguese, to attack Srinagar (about twenty 
miles south-east of Dacca). This time he was joined by Kedar Rai ; 
but their combined forces were heavily defeated. Kedar Rai was 
lulled and the * Magh ' retreated to his own country. " One of the 
occurrences," says the author of the supplement, " was the success of 
the royal arms in Bengal, the downfall of Kedar Zamindar, and the 
retreat of the Magh Rajah. News came that Kedar who was a noted 
proprietor in Bengal had joined the Magh zamindar with a krge 
fleet, and used force against the thana of Srinagar. On hearing of this. 
Rajah Man Singh sent an army provided with artillery against that 
presumptuous, man. Near Nagar Sur (?) the ktter appeared with a 



large force and a great battle took pkce. The enemy was defeated, 
and many were skin. Kedar was wounded with bullets and was 
flying half-dead. The brave troops followed him and captured him. 
There was a little life in him when he was brought before the Rajah, 
but he soon died. With his death the flames of disturbance in Bengal 
were extinguished " (ibid., p. 1235). 

9 ' Banha ' appears to be for iinnya, signifying * lord of the land/ 
The title was borne by many of the kings and princes of Pegu. The 
complete designation of this particular ' duke ' was, according to 
Bocarro, ( Bannadala,' i.e. Binnya-Dala, the Lord of Dak. Dak was 
the name of a town and district of the Irrawaddy delta. The town 
was close to where the city of Rangoon now Stands, but on the opposite 
side of the river. A further reference to the ' Banha ' will be found in 
note 2, p. 264. 

10 Jancoma [Jangomay, Jamahey, Zangomay, etc.] was the Portu- 
guese name for Chiengmai (called by the Burmese * Zimme '), at this 
time the largest of the numerous Lao, or Shan, kingdoms lying between 
the Burmese and Chinese frontiers, and to the north of Siam. The 
English traveller Ralph Fitch visited * Jamahey,' which he describes 
as " a very faire and great towne, with faire houses of Stone, well peopled. 
. . . Hither come many marchants out of China, and bring great 
Store of muske, golde, silver, and many other things of China worke. 
Here is great Store of victuals ; they have such plenty that they will 
not milk the buifles, as they do in other places. Here is great Store 
of copper and benjamin [benzoin]." 

11 This is clearly a mistake for 1603, for it was in that year, not in 
1602, that de Brito went to India. WhilSt at Goa the enterprising 
* King of Syriam ' married Dona Luiza de Saldanha, a niece of the 
Viceroy, Ayres de Saldanha. According to Faria y Sousa, the kdy 
was afterwards unfaithful to him, and responsible, to a krge extent, 
for his ultimate crash. Bocarro says nothing of this* 



1 This chapter (belonging to Part II of the Relations, fols. 470-490) 
contains the substance of a report written by Philip de Brito whilst at 
Goa in 1603. The report was forwarded by the Viceroy, Ayres de 
Saldanha, to the King of Portugal, together with a petition from 
de Brito praying that he might be appointed Commander for life of 
the fortress of Syriam, that a portion of the revenue from the custom- 
house should be assigned to him for his support, and for the support 
of his wife, Dona Luiza da Saldanha, after his death, and that his son, 
assuming that he left one of an age for service, should succeed him as 
Commander of the fortress. The King received the report in 1604, 
and on March 2nd, 1605, he sent a letter to Don Alfonso de Castro, 
who had in the mean time succeeded Saldanha as Viceroy, asking for 
fuller information in regard to the various matters dealt with in the 
report. He had, His Majesty Slates, already rewarded de Brito's 
conspicuous services by making him a Knight of the Order of Christ, 
and a Gentleman of his Household, and he asks the Viceroy's opinion 
as to what further should be done for him. In a second letter, dated 
January 23rd, 1607, the King acknowledged the Viceroy's reply, 
which he received on December 24th, 1605, and informed him that the 
command of the fortress was to be given to Philip de Brito for life, 
and afterwards to his son, supposing him to leave one fit to succeed him. 
De Brito was to receive a third part of the revenue of the custom-house 
during his life-time ; but this was not to be continued to his son, who 
would receive only so much as should subsequently be deemed expedient. 
No allowance would be made to de Brito's widow. 

The letters of King Philip III, from which the above particulars are 
taken, can be read in Antonio de Bulhao Pato's Documentos Remettidos 
da India. The letter of March 2nd, 1605, is on pp. 23-26, and that 
of January 23rd, 1607, on pp. 173-178 of Vol. I. 

To receive the habito de GhriSo was a high honour. The Knights 
of Christ were originally a purely religious company, admission to 
which could only be granted by the Pope, and ranked as the highest 
of papal honours. Gradually, however, the monastic character of the 
Order disappeared, and by the end of the fifteenth century the power 
to create knights passed from the Pope to the King. Every subsequent 
King of Portugal has been a Grand Master of the Order. 

a Junk-Ceylon is an island off the west coast of the Malay Peninsula, 
about 8 degrees above the equator. For suggested derivations of the 



name, sec Hobson-Jobson, p. 473. Queddah (probably from the 
Hindi word Kcdah, meaning a Cockade for entrapping elephants), the 
pkce next mentioned, is a port also on the weft of the Malay Peninsula, 
and situated about 6 degrees above the equator. Barbosa describes 
* Quedaa ' as a very flourishing seaport. " This is," he says, " a place 
of wholesale trade, and Moorish ships come hither yearly from divers 
regions. Here grows abundance of fine pepper which they carry to 
Malaca and China" (Barbosa, tr. Longworth Dames, II, p. 165). 
The port, says Mr. Longworth Dames, was tributary to Siam until 
1909, when the suzerain rights were transferred to the British Govern- 

3 The Siamese port of Patani was situated on the east coast of the 
Malay Peninsuk. It had been an important Dutch trading centre 
since 1602, by which year Dutch merchants were established at Bantam, 
Achin, and also in the Spice Isknds (see Moreknd's From Akbar to 
Aurangzeb, p. 16). 

* This was at the end of the year 1599, after the siege of Pegu. 
Bocarro states (Decada, p. 126) that the King of Arakan, owing to 
disturbances in his own country, withdrew from the siege before it was 
ended, and that after the fall of the fortress he sent de Brito, accom- 
panied by his ' corangary,' to Tangu, to ckim his share of the spoils 
and to conduct the princess and the two princes of Pegu to Arakan. 
It was, says Bocarro, when passing Syriam on his way to Tangu that de 
Brito observed the suitability of the former pkce as a site for a fortress 
and custom-house. The date of de Brito's return to Arakan is not 
stated ; but, according to Guerreiro, the triumphal entry took pkce 
before the end of the year. Nor do we know the actual date of the 
King's subsequent departure for Pegu ; but it must have been before 
the 25th February, 1600, for de Brito and Father Andre, who had 
been ordered to follow him, commenced their journey on that date 
(see note 15, p. 258). 

5 The State of Achin, famous for its pepper and spices, is in the 
north-west of Sumatra. The Portuguese frequently called it Dachem 
(d'Achem) . The Dutch established a trading settlement there in 1 602 . 
At that time the * king ' of Achin was the chief power in the isknd, and 
an inveterate enemy of the Portuguese. 

6 This evidently means, when de Brito returned to the fortress after 
his visit to the King of Arakan, recorded in the previous chapter. Soon 
after his return he set out for India. He remained at Goa during the 
monsoon months, and came back to Syriam at the end of the year 



1 From Part III of the Relations, fols. iO2a-io4b. 

2 The text account of the circumstances which enabled the Portu- 
guese to establish themselves in Pegu is throughout a glorification of 
Philip de Brito, who, though he was doubtless a fine fellow in many 
ways, does not seem to have been a suitable subject for a halo. The 
rights which the King of Arakan conferred at this time on his Portuguese 
favourite are nowhere very clearly slated ; but we may safely take it 
that he did not, as Guerreiro would have us believe, make him a present 
of the entire kingdom of Pegu. We gather from Faria y Sousa and 
Bocarro that the King's grant included nothing more than the port of 
Syriam, and that in the means he adopted to secure his supremacy and 
enkrge his possessions, de Brito was thoroughly unscrupulous. Faria 
y Sousa's account, showing de Brito minus his halo, runs as follows 
(I quote the translation by Captain J. Stevens, 1695): " Xilimixa 
[Salim Shah], King of Arracam, to express his gratitude to the Portu- 
guese who had served him, gave them the port of Siriam at the mouth 
of the river of the same name. This grant was obtained of the King 
by Philip de Brito and Nicote, who most ungratefully proved false to 
that Prince, that had lifted him from a vile collier to his favour and 
esteem. The manner of it was thus. 

" Xilimixa, confiding in Nicote, was by him persuaded to erect a cus- 
tom-house at the mouth of that river for the increase of his revenue, 
and his [de Brito's] design was to seize upon it, and build a fort there 
to give footing to the Portuguese for the conquest of that kingdom. The 
King, who suspected not the design, having finished the work, put it 
into the hands of one Bannadala, who fortified himself, and suffered no 
Portuguese to enter there except F. Belchior de la Luz, a Dominican. 
Nicote seeing that design fail, resolved to carry it out by other means 
before the works were too far advanced. He had with him three 
Portuguese officers, viz., John de Oliva, Paul del Rego, and Salvador 
Rebeyro, with fifty men ; these he ordered to surprise the fort, and turn 
out the Bannadala, not doubting his great credit with Xilimixa would 
bear him out in it. The three captains so well performed Nicote's 
orders that they gained the name of founders of the Portuguese dominion 
in the kingdom ; and Rebeyro was like to carry the whole fame of this 
action, some affirming he was the real author of it." Bocarro tells a 
similar story, but at much greater length (Dccada, 13, pp. 128-131). 
Guerreiro males no mention of the part played in these transactions 



by Salvador Rebeyro ; yet it was mainly to his courage and resource 
that the Portuguese owed the preservation of the Syriam fort. During 
de Brito' s absence at Goa in 1603, Rebeyro, who was left in command, 
was for eight months closely besieged by the Arakanese under the leader- 
ship of Bannadala, and it was with the utmost difficulty that he was 
able to hold out until de Brito returned with reinforcements at the end 
of the year. The defence of the fortress was very gallantly conducted ; 
bu t Rebeyro's services seem to have met with little recognition. Accord- 
ing to Portuguese records, when Philip de Brito returned to Syriam, 
Rebeyro resigned to him the crown with which the inhabitants of 
Pegu had invented him, and returned to Portugal, " where he is supposed 
to have passed the remainder of his days at his native village in the 
province of Minho ; but his body lies in the chapter-house of a small 
Franciscan convent near Alemquer, some 30 miles from Lisbon, where 
an inscription records his name and history. Portuguese writers call 
him the Marcus Aurelius of the Decadence of India, and more than 
one poet has sung his praises " (Report on the Portuguese Records relating 
to the EasJ Indies, by F. C. Danvers, pp. 20-21). 

3 These were the Fathers Andrew Boves, Andre de Nabais, 
Bksius Nunez and Natal Salerno (see note 10, p. 2 5 5). The two former 
returned to India, and the two latter went to Syriam. 

4 Evidently a mistake for Chatigam. 

6 The first attempt to establish Portuguese authority in the island 
of Sandip was made in 1602 by an adventurer named Dominico 
Cavalho, who had taken service with Chand Rai of Siripur, to whom 
nominally the isknd belonged. Cavalho was expelled the following 
year by the King of Arakan, who held the island until it was taken from 
him by the Mogul general Fateh Khan in 1607. In 1609, Sebastian 
Goncalves, the foremost of the Portuguese pirates, recaptured Sandip, 
which he contrived to hold for about eight years, when it was again 
taken by the King of Arakan. 

At the end of the year 1602, when the King of Arakan was making 
his preparations for the capture of Sandip, the Portuguese bandel, or 
settlement, at Chatigam was plundered, and many of the inhabitants 
were seized and imprisoned, amongst them the Fathers Francisco 
Fernandez and Andre Boves. The former, who was an old man, 
and in feeble health, died in consequence of the ill-usage to which he 
was subjected. These events are described in detail in Part II of 
Guerreiro's Relations, fols. 4ia-44b. An English translation of this 
chapter by the Rev. H. Hosten, S.J., was published in the Catholic 
Herald of India (November nth, 1908). 

6 The term catur was applied by early Portuguese 
certain light rowing vessels used on the weft coast of 
for warlike purposes. The word is probably to be d 
Arabic katireh, " a small craft," and may possibly beftW^/ent of our 


Englislvword 'cutter' (see Hobwn-Jobson, p. 165). Foija/ea, see 
note 2, p. 271. 

7 Cape Negrais forms the southern limit of Arakan. The adual 
' point/ on rounding which the Bassein River is entered, is known as 
Pagoda Point. By the 6arre, or harbour, of Negrais, so frequently 


Sketch Map showing pos/tten of S Y R I AM 

is so Mites 


mentioned in Portuguese works, is meant the euary of the Bassein 
River. The port of Bassein, formerly known as Cosmin (see Hobson- 
Jobson, p. 2 59) is situated some 70 miles up the river. As to the origin 
of the name ' Negrais,' Yule ftates that it is " a Portuguese corruption 
probably of the Arab or Malay form of the native name which the 



Burmese express as Naga-rif, * Dragon's whirlpool.* The set ,pf the 
tides here is very apt to carry vessels ashore, and the locality is famous 
for wrecks " (//'</., .622). 

8 The port of Syriam is 24 miles from the sea. It is situated on the 
left bank of the Pegu River and about 3 miles above its jun&ion with 
what is now called the Rangoon River, which forms the eastern arm of 
the Irrawaddy delta. Owing to the Strength of the currents, and to 
the presence of numerous and constantly shifting shoals, the navigation 
of the Rangoon River is very intricate. Today, every ship proceeding 
to Rangoon takes a pilot before entering the river, outside the mouth 
of which a brig, with a staff* of pilots on board, is permanently anchored. 

9 According to Bocarro, the Archbishop of Goa, then a&ing as 
Governor, sent de Brito definite instructions that the Prince was to be 
set at liberty without ransom : " que tornasse o principe de Arrac&o 
a seu pae, sem por isso Ihe pedir cousa alguma." Thereupon, de Brito, 
not to be balked of his plunder, substituted the word indemnity for 
ransom, and demanded the payment of two hundred thousand tangas 
to cover the damage his ships had sustained in the recent naval en- 
counters. After endless haggling, the King suffered himself to be 
mulcted of one hundred thousand tangas (about 4,400), bitterly 
protesting that it was nothing more nor less than a ransom that he was 
being forced to pay. When this sum had been handed over, de Brito 
placed the Prince in a royal ja/ea, and sent him home, personally con- 
ducting him as far as the island of Cheduba, which was one of his 
fishing-grounds. As he sailed away from the isknd, he gave his re- 
leased captive a parting salute. But, unfortunately, a pellet from one 
of the guns Struck the helmsman of thejafca, who fell dead beside his 
lord. This circumstance, says Bocarro, aroused the suspicions of the 
Prince to such an extent that, from that moment, he never ceased con- 
triving means for the destruction of de Brito and his fortress (see 
Decada 13, p. 144). 

According to Archbishop Menezes (vide note 5, p. 270) the sum 
paid by the King of Arakan was 30,000 pardaos, or 150,000 tangas, 
one pardao being equal to five tangas. At the end of the sixteenth 
century a pardao was worth from 43. 2d. to 43. 6d. A tanga at the 
same period was equal to 6o reis, or about lojd. (see Hobson-J obson 
under Pardao). 



1 From Part IV of the Relations, fols. 1033-1040. 

8 To the Portuguese all the rivers and streams in Bengala were 
* gaagas.' " Gangas chamao os rios de que toda Bengak esta cortada " 
(Relations, V, fol. 95) : "A terra he muito fresca, & nas partes que 
confinSo com o mar esta repartida em muitas ilhas que se nauegao 
por rios que cham5o gangas, as quaes se tern por certo serem brakes do 
rio Ganges" (Pimenta's letter of 26th November, 1599). The 
Portuguese apparently became so used to the term in Bengala that they 
applied it, as here, to rivers having no connection with the Ganges. 
Thus they called the River Subarnarekha, which divided Orissa from 
Bengala, the Ganga, and it is so named on Levanha's map of the kingdom 
of Bengak. In Sanskrit the word ganga may denote either the River 
Ganges, or a river in general ; but this, as is evident from Pimenta's 
letter, does not account for the use which the Portuguese made of the 
word. Mgr. Dalgado, in his Glossario, quotes the following from the 
ConquiHa de CeylSo, p. 31 : " Esta palaura ganga em toda esta India 
he generica, e significa rio de agoa doce, porque he t2o celebre o rio 
Ganges, que parece, que tomarao daqui occassiao para aplicarem a 
todos os outros seu nome, posto que tenhao outros particulars." 

3 Luang Praban, at this time one of the most important of the Lao 
states, is situated to the north-east of Chiengmai, on the Mekong River. 
It was known to the Siamese as Lan-chan, signifying, according to Yule 
(Hobson-Jobson, p. 503), " a million of elephants." Fitch called it 
4 Lange-jannes.' Other variations to be met with are ' Lan John/ 
' Landjam,' * Langiens,' etc. 

4 Up to this point Guerreiro has used as his authority a letter, dated 
O&ober xyth, 1608, from de Brito to the King of Portugal, giving an 
account of the defeat of the Arakanese fleet and the capture of the 
Prince, and containing a further report on the advantages likely to 
accrue from the possession of Syriam. The King was evidently much 
impressed by de Brito's report, and especially by his proposals for 
compelling all merchant vessels to trade only at the port of Syriam. On 
the 4th January, 1608, His Majesty sent a long dispatch to the Viceroy 
at Goa (Documentos Remettidos da India, I, pp. 173-178) reproducing 
the substance of de Brito's letter, and dire&ing that, in view of the 
commercial value of the fortress, and the facilities it afforded for com- 
municating with the ports of the South, as well as on account of its 
position at the mouth of the Pegu River, all measures necessary for its 



7 so 190 i50 gpo miles 

V T^wvv 


preservation should be taken, and that to this end Philip de Brito should 
be given whatever assistance he required, on the understanding that 
the expense involved, or the major portion of it, could be defrayed out 
of the revenues of the Syriam custom-house. " E porque, conforme 
a estas informa9oes e outras que ha per outras vias, tenho por mui 
importante conservar-se a dita fortaleza, assi pek boa commodidade que 
com elle se alanga na navigacSo da India para Malaca e mais partes do 
Sul, como por ficar em hua das boccas do rio de Pegu, vos encommendo 
que com tudo o calor devido trateis de sua conserva^ao, e que para isso 
se deem a Filippe de Brito todos os favores e ajudas necessarios, pre- 
suppondo que dos rendimentos da alfandega da dita fortaleza saira 
toda ou a maior parte da despeza n'isso se houver de fazer." 

5 In a letter dated December 2oth, 1606, Archbishop Menezes 
informed the King of Portugal that the Prince of Arakan had been 
restored to his father, and that the latter had undertaken to abstain in 
the future from making war on Syriam, to cede to the Portuguese the 
island of Sundiva ' and also a third part of the revenues of the custom- 
house at Chatigam, and to pay an indemnity of 30,000 pardaos. The 
Archbishop's letter is quoted in the King's dispatch of the 4th January, 

fl On this occasion it was chiefly on the Portuguese settlement at 
Dianga that the King of Arakan wreaked his vengeance. Amongst 
those who escaped in the galliot was Sebastian Goncalves (see note 5, 
p. 265), the Portuguese adventurer whose daring escapades and villain- 
ies make up one of the most romantic chapters in the history of the 
Portuguese in the East. The raid on Dianga took pkce at the end of 
the year 1606. 

7 The word talapoi was in common use amongst European writers 
of the seventeenth century to denote a Buddhist priest. Its origin is 
probably to be found in the Sanskrit word tala-pattra, denoting the leaf 
of the fan-palm, or Talipot, of Southern India and Ceylon, the name 
being given to Buddhist priests on account of their habit of carrying 
a palm-leaf as a protection from the sun. Yule (Hobson-Jobson, p. 892) 
quotes the following from Robert Knox's Relation of the Island of 
Ceylon : " They (the priests) have the honour of carrying the Talipot 
with the broad end over their heads foremost ; which none but the 
King does." See also his quotation from Pallegoix on p. 890. Ac- 
cording to Sir W. Foster (Early Travellers in India, p. 36), the word 
talapoi is " the Taking talapoe, ' my lord,' a form of address to Buddhist 

8 Macao, at the mouth of the Canton River, had been occupied by 
the Portuguese since 1557* and was at this time an important trading 
and missionary centre. 



1 This and the following chapter belong to Part V of the Relations, 
fols. 72a-79a. 

2 The Portuguese word \^ galeota, from which came ' gallivat * and 
also, probably, our English * jolly-boat ' (see Hobson-Jobson, p. 361). 
The name was applied to craft of various sizes ; but was always used 
to denote a smaller vessel than a galley. Bluteau, in his Vocabulario 
Portuguez Latino, etc., defines galeota as " a small galley with one mast, 
and with fifteen or twenty benches a side, and one oar to each bench." 
According to Orme, a * gallivat ' was a large rowing-boat built like 
a grab (a kind of Arab galley) but of smaller size, the largest rarely 
exceeding 70 tons ; " they have 40 or 50 stout oars and may be rowed 
four miles an hour " (Hi8. Military Transactions, I, 409). The origin 
of the word is obscure. Yule favours the suggestion of Friedrich Diez 
(Etym. Worterb., 198-199), that it is to be derived " from the Greek 
yaAefo, a shark, or from -yaAcwriy?, a sword-fish the latter very 
suggestive of a galley with its aggressive beak." 

The word jalea appears to be another member of the numerous 
' galley ' family. Bocarro defines it as a vessel " that is used for fighting 
and trading at once." The word generally denoted a small craft ; 
but there does not seem to have been any particular type of vessel to 
which it was applied. Very often there seems to be no distinction 
drawn between a galeota and a jalea. 

3 All that the Portuguese dictionaries have to say about the words 
camelet and espera is that they are the names of " pieces of ordnance 
formerly used." According to Page's* Diccionario de la Lingua CasJel- 
lana, a camello (of which camelet is the diminutive) was a short, heavy, 
and not very effective gun, used mainly for siege purposes, and firing 
a ball weighing sixteen pounds. An espera was a smaller gun firing 
a ball of thirteen pounds. Page's quotes the following from B. L. de 
Argensok : " A otro dia se trujo a* elk k artilleria que eran cuatro piezes, 
dos esperas, que echaban trece libras de bala y dos camellos de i diez 
y seis." 

4 A pavise is a shield covering the whole body. " Pavezes de navio 
are what our seamen call the ' fights,' being waste cloths which hang 
round about a ship to hinder the men from being seen in fight" 
(Lacerda, Diccionario). Xareta was the name given to the wire 
network used to prevent ships from being boarded by the enemy. 

5 The small dependent state of ' Chocork ' [Chokaroa], whose 



Chief is dignified by Guerreiro with the tide * King/ lay to the south of 
Mrauku, the Arakanese capital, and to the ea of Akyab. 

9 A sanguicel was a small and very light vessel mainly used for 
pursuit. It derived its name from Sanguicer [Sangameshwar ?], a port 
of Canara where many vessels of this type were built. Yule (Hobson- 
Jobson, p. 171) quotes Albuquerque, " Here was Nuno Vaz in a ship, 
the St. John, which was built in Camguicar," and adds, " there are 
many other passages in the same writer which make it practically certain 
that Sanguicels were the vessels built at Sanguicer." 

7 Both Faria y Sousa and Bocarro slate that Paulo do Rego himself 
blew up his ship, to avoid falling into the hands of the enemy. The 
latter writer says : " E vendo Paulo do Rego sua perdi^ao certa, eftando 
ja atracado de grande quantidade de embarcacoes, nao conhecendo men 
vendo outro modo para os poder destruir e livrar se assim, por se nao 
gloriarem os inimigos de o levarem ou vivo, ou morto, deu fogo a* sua 
galeota, com que voou feita em pedacos, e todos quantos com elle 
vinham " (Decada, p. 145). 



1 Bocarro gives a very different account of the la phase of the siege 
of Syriam. The King of Arakan, he says, having decided to make 
a grand combined attack on the fortress, sent a messenger to the King 
of Tangu to acquaint him with his plans. " The King of Tangu, 
learning what the King of Arakan had decided to do, and fearing that 
th* * Mogos ' would leave him to condud the siege by himself, deter- 
mined to out-play them. Accordingly, he sent back word that he was 
fully prepared ; and that if His Majesty would let him know the day 
and hour when he intended to begin the siege, he too would attack at 
the same time. But that night, at the beginning of the fir watch, he 
silently Struck his camp, and without a word as to his intentions, marched 
with all speed back to his country. In the morning there was not a soul 
to be seen in the pkce which the army of Tangu had occupied. As 
soon as they became aware of this the Pegus, with shouts of joy, sallied 
forth to seize upon any arms or supplies which the troops of the King 
of Tangu, to avoid impeding their movements, might have left behind 
them. On finding that the King of Tangu had given up the siege of 
the fortress by land, Philippe de Brito ordered his soldiers and captains 
to march out with banners, and drums and fifes, and the firing of guns, 
as though they had put the King of Tangu to flight. The King of 
Arracao, observing this unexpected movement of the Pegus along the 
bank of the river, and that others were launching ships as though they 
meant to come out and fight, and seeing no trace anywhere of either 
the King of Tangu or his camp, became even more scared than the 
latter had been ; and imagining that all that Philippe de Brito had 
warned him of was about to be fulfilled, he signalled to his ships to 
weigh anchor, and sailed speedily away " (Decada 13, 147-8). 

Faria y Sousa is less explicit ; but he too attributes the sudden raising 
of the siege to dissensions in the enemy's camp. " The siege," he says, 
" continued so long, until the besieged were ready to surrender, when 
on a sudden upon some suspicion the King of Tangu quits the field by 
night, and he of Arracam found it to no purpose to lie longer upon the 
sea" (Asia Portuguese III, 159). 

How the siege actually ended muft remain a matter of conjecture. 
Faria y Sousa and Bocarro are, however, a strong combination ; and 
their testimony, such as it is, mu& be held to outweigh that of Guerreiro, 
whose account is very probably based, like his references to the fate 
of Hawkins and the crew of the Ascension (vide note ao, p. 114), 

273 S 


and his first account of the battle of Negrais (p. 222), on rumours 
which found their way to Goa, and thence to Europe, before the 
arrival of anything in the way of an official report. 

2 After his escape from Dianga (note 6, p. 270), Gon?alves lived by 
piracy, and became the recognised leader of the Portuguese ' sea- wolves ' 
who infested the Bay of Bengal. For a time he cultivated the friend- 
ship of the Raja of Bacak, and made that place his port of refuge. His 
depredations made him the terror of the Bay, and the King of Arakan 
had good reason to be alarmed at his growing power. His descent on 
Dianga took place early in the year 1608 ; and another year had barely 
elapsed before he had expelled Fateh Khan from Sundiva and estab- 
lished himself in that island (note 5, p. 265). An account of his 
subsequent career can be read in Sir Arthur Phayre's Hifiory of Burma, 
pp. 174-177. 

3 Here again Guerreiro seems to have been misled by letters based 
on mere rumour. The dispatch at this time of an armada against 
Arakan is not mentioned by either Faria y Sousa or Bocarro, nor can 
I find any reference to it elsewhere. 



1 As I have already slated, this account of the capture of the Syriam 
fortress is taken from the Dtcada of Bocarro (Monumentos Ineditos, 
Vol. VI, pp. 149-158). Without a plan of the Syriam fort (which 
I have not been able to procure) it is impossible to follow Bocarro's 
detailed, and very confused account of the actual siege operations. 
I have therefore presented this portion of his narrative in a condensed 
form. The vi&ory mentioned in the first line refers to the defeat of 
the combined forces of the Kings of Arakan and Tangu described by 
Guerreiro in the last chapter. 

2 AHya is the Singhalese name for an elephant. The Ceylon 
species is as a general rule diskless ; and this may possibly have led to 
the Portuguese application of the term ally a to the female Indian 

3 Lacerda's Diccionario defines a berfo as " an ancient short piece 
of artillery," and a roqueira as " a sort of cannon which is loaded with 
Clones inftead of bullets." 

4 Marmulao [Moulmein] is situated on the southern side of the 
euary of the Salween River, opposite to Martaban, which is on the 
northern side of the eftuary. According to Yule (Hobson-Jobson, 
p. 591), the original Taking name was Mut-mwoa-lcm, which the 
Burmese corrupted into Mau-ta-yaing, " whence the foreign (probably 
Malay) form Maulmcin" 

5 De Brito's treaty of friendship with the King of Tangu had been 
made under direct orders from the Viceroy, Lorenco de Tavora. In 
reply to a letter from the King of Portugal, in which reference is made 
to the kingdom of Tangu, Tavora Stated that de Brito had sent some 

Tangu with a present to the King of a horse, a suit of armour, some 
wine and other things, and urging him to take up his residence in some 
city nearer to Syriam where help could be sent to him more readily, 
and from whence he could, if hard pressed, seek refuge for himself and 
his treasures (which I am told are immense) in our fortress. I have 
also ordered Philip de Brito to maintain friendly correspondence with 
him, which I have every hope will result in great advantage to your 
Majesty" (Monumentos Incaitos, VII, p. 352). The Viceroy doe 
not tell us how his friendly overtures were regarded. The King of 



Tangu no doubt accepted the present, but declined the invitation to 
walk into de Brito's parlour. As the event showed, he might just as 
well have accepted both. The sack of Pegu was a scandalous breach 
of faith on de Brito's part. " Let us keep in mind," says Faria y 
Sousa, " these his unjust proceedings, and in its place we shall see 
them rewarded as they deserve. . . . Indeed it is to be admired, 
a Christian government should support such unchriftian proceedings " 
(Ana Portuguesa, III, 140). 

6 * Martabans * or Pegu jars have been famous in the East from very 
early times. They are mentioned by Ibn Batuta, Correa, Barbosa, 
and many other writers. Barbosa, in his description of the city of 
Martaban says : " At this town are made many great porcelain jars 
very big, ftrong and fair to see ; there are some of them which will hold 
a pipe of water. They are glazed in bkck and greatly esteemed and 
highly prized among the Moors, who take them from this pkce with 
great ftore of benzoin in loaves" (Bar&osa, II, p. 158). 

7 The Portuguese dictionaries define carafufa as a conical cap, 
usually of some blue or reddish material. Can the soldiers in question 
have been Kizilbashes, who were distinguished by their red caps, and 
many of whom were to be found in the Mogul armies ? 

8 An * ola,' or 4 ollah,' generally denotes a letter written on a palm- 
lea The leaf used is that of the Palmyra tree, which is specially 
prepared for the purpose, and of which the Tamil name is olai. 

9 ' Canarins * was the name given by the Portuguese to the Konkanl 
people of the territory of Goa (see Hobson-Jobson, pp. 152-4). 

Faria y Sousa States that de Brito was impaled alive, and lingered 
in agony for two days. 

11 Mr. J. P. Hardiman has sent me an interesting confirmation of 
Bocarro's statement: "In 1897, in the Sagaing district," he writes, 
" I wa shown some Burmese who were said to be descendants of 
prisoners captured long ago, and who still profess the Roman Catholic 
religion." He has also drawn my attention to the following passage 
in the Gazetteer of Upper Burma (Vol. II, p. 46): " The Roman Catholic 
Mission in Myinmu has at present two stations, at Nabet and Chaungu. 
They do not do much proselytizing. They look after the native 
Christians, descendants of the Portuguese and others carried off as 
prisoners on the capture of Syriam by Maha Dhamma Yaza in 161 3 A.D., 
and again on its sack by Alaung-paya in 1756 A.D." 

N.B. Some additional notes on this chapter will be found in the 




Page 62, line 15. The word ' darure ' is for the Persian darvest, 
denoting a religious devotee, QI fakir, the latter being the term more 
generally used in India. The * feats ' ascribed to these devotees are 
without number. In the Qaxoon-i-Is/am (Herklots), p. 297, we 
read : " They are so totally absorbed in religious reverie, that they do 
not discern between things kwful and unlawful, and regard no sect 
or religion. Sometimes they go about in a state of nudity, and lie down 
wherever it may chance to be, regardless of every kind of dirt or filth. 
Some among these become such powerful workers of miracles, that 
whenever they choose, they can instantly effect what they please ; and 
what is strange, though some of them lie in one spot for months and 
years together, and there obey every call of nature, there is not the 
least offensive smell about them. They are, moreover, neither afraid 
of fire nor of water ; for when they please, they stand on hot embers, or 
sit in a krge frying-pan, or a boiling caldron, for hours together : and 
they dive and remain under water for two or three hours." 

Page 195, line 10. After the break up of the Roman Empire, the 
name Rum y the Arabic form of * Roma/ was given to the Seljukian 
kingdom in Asia Minor, and later to the Ottoman Empire (see Hobson- 
Jobson, p. 767). Hence the word 'Rume' or Rumi was used to 
designate a Turk, whether Asiatic or European. By certain writers, 
however, including Guerreiro, the name was restricted to the Turks of 

Page 231, line i. * Magua ' was the name, presumably, of one of 
the King of Arakan's allies. 

Page 242, line 30. According to Sr. de Lima Felner, the editor 
of the Decada, the name Banhadela should be spelt Banhadala. 
Though Bocarro does not actually say so, this king of Martaban appears 
to be none other than the Arakanese Commander whom Philip de 
Brito, some six years previously, expelled from Syriam. That a 
dependant should reappear as a king, and sworn enemies as sworn 
friends, is all in keeping with the times. It is stated in the Decada, 
that, after being driven out of Syriam, the Banha fortified himself in 
the neighbouring ' isknd of Dak,' and that, on being again defeated 
by the Portuguese, he withdrew to Prome. Of his subsequent adven- 
tures we know nothing until we meet with him again in Martaban. 



Page 246, line i. That the fortress was so inadequately manned at 
this juncture has been attributed to the machinations of de Brito's wife. 
How far this is true it is difficult to say. The circumstance is not 
mentioned in the Decada. Bocarro, however, must have heard the 
story, but apparently he attached no importance to it. In a footnote 
on page 1 59 of the Decada, Sr. de Lima Felner states the case against 
Dona Luiza as follows : " It is said that one of the chief causes which 
contributed to the loss of the fortress of Seriam, or Seriang, was the 
wanton conduct of Dona Luiza de Saldanha, wife of Philippe de Brito 
de Nicote. She was, as we have seen, the daughter of Manuel de 
Saldanha, brother of the Viceroy, Aires de Saldanha. Her mother, 
according to Faria y Sousa, was a native of the isknd of Java. She 
was brought up in luxury at Goa, where she was born, and was of 
handsome appearance, and vain of her looks. She married Nicote, 
the son of a French father, who had raised himself from the meanest 
degree to the position of a king, to whom she proved unfaithful, com- 
mitting adultery with a Portuguese Captain. The soldiers of the fortress 
openly protested against this scandal; and the foolish woman, to diminish 
the number of her accusers, prevailed upon her husband to reduce the 
garrison of the fortress, which, she said, was larger than he required, 
and very costly. Nicote took her fatal advice. He denuded the 
fortress of its defenders, and paved the way for its conquest by the King 
of Ava. The King caused de Brito to be impaled, and though suffering 
this cruel punishment, he remained alive for two days. His wife the 
King ordered to be washed in the river, intending to take her as his 
concubine ; and when, with unlooked-for courage, she refused to 
gratify his desires, he gave orders that her legs were to be flayed (or, 
according to others, that one of her legs was to be pierced through), 
and reduced her to the condition of a slave. These particukrs, which 
are not given by Bocarro, can be read in Faria y Sousa's Asia Portu- 
guesa, torn, iii., part iii., cap. ii., and in the Journal of Peter William 
Floris, from which an extract will be found in torn. v. of Prevost's 
Hisloire Generate des Voyages, pages 322 and 323." 

Page 246, line 10. Mr. J. P. Hardiman suggests that the word 
' biay ' is the Burmese pay a, used to denote any object of worship, and 
that * degu ' is for tigon or takun, a word which, according to Professor 
Forchhammer, came into use in the sixteenth century to denote a pagoda 
or ftupa. 




Abdul Latif, 105 

Abdulla Khan, Usbeg, 165 

Abdur Rahim, Khar, 4, 8-10, 90, 


Abul Hasan, 99 
Abyssinia, 126, 127, 166 
Achin, 205, 218, 263 
Aden, 82, 112, 113, 166 
Afghanistan, 90 
Agostinho, Fernandez, 248 
Agra, 4, 1 1, 24 ; Jahangir goes to, 

46-48 ; mural paintings at, 

63-65, 107-108 ; church at, 68, 


Ahasuerus, King, 5 1 
Ahmadabad, Governor of, 37, 98 
Aingharan, 176 
Ain-i-Akbari, 90 
Ajmir, 95 
Akbar, xiii, xv, 3, 4, 38, 89, 

90, 91, 95, 99, 103, no, 

123-124, 128, 131, 163, 166, 

Akbar and the Jesuits, 94, 103, 

no, 163, 165, 166 
Akbarnama, 260, 261 
Ak-sarai, river, 176 
Aksu, 178 
Akyab, 255 
Alexandria, 201 
Alia, 241, 275 
Ali Khan, 99 
Allahabad, 97 
Alquier, measure, 1 8 6, 255 
Alvares, Father John, 1 5 
Amacao, see Macao ! 

Amir-ul- Umara, title, 97 
Andre, Father J., see Boves, 

Father J. Andre 
Arakan, 198, 200, 219, 252, 254, 


King of, 185; sacks Pegu, 
186-187; visited by Fathers, 
188-189; goes to Pegu, 10,0 ; 
leaves de Brito in possession, 
194; suspe&s de Brito's de- 
signs, 195 ; visited by de Brito, 
196 ; dispatches Armada to 
Syriam, 210-212; his armada 
defeated, 212; renews hoftili- 
ties, 220 ; prepares 2nd armada, 
222 ; takes command himself, 
225 ; is defeated, 227 ; renews 
the contest, 228-230; offers 
terms to de Brito, 231-232; 
besieges Syriam, 232-235 ; 
abandons the siege, 235 ; sends 
help to de Brito, 250 

Prince of, 2 1 1 , 2 1 2 ; captured 
by de Brito, 213-214; released, 
220,267; 222,225,231,245, 

Arjun, Guru, 11-12,93 

AsafKhan, 98 

Ascension, English ship, 1 10, 1 12, 

Asirgarh, 166 

Attock, 167, 174 

Aurangzib, 252 

Ava, 193, 198, 217, 219, 254 

King of, conquers Prome and 
Tangu, 241-242 ; besieges and 
captures Syriam, 246-251 



Ayres de Saldanha, 243, 25 5, 261, 


Azam Khan, 98 
Aziz Khan Koka, 38-39, 99 

Bacala, 257, 274 

Badakshan, 90, 124, 165, 170, 


Badakshis, 90 
Bahar, weight, 260 
Bakarganj, 258 
Banha, title, 197, 198, 261, 


Banhadak, 242-244, 261, 265 
Banhalao, 250 
Banhanoy, 242, 243 
Bantam, 263 

Barbosa, Duarte, 254, 263, 276 
Barros, J. de, xxiv, 252 
Basawal, 175 
Bassein, 266 
Beas, river, 90, 91 
Bengala, 185, 196, 198, 200; 

chief ports of, 201-206; 214, 

217, 252, 256, 268 
Berfo, 241, 275 
Bhairawal, battle of, 5-6, 90-91, 


Stay de Degu, 246, 277 
Bihar, 97 

Bocarro, Antonio, xxiii-xxiv 
Decade, 13, xxiii-xxiv, 255, 

256, 261, 263, 264, 267, 272, 

Bokhara, 165 
Botelhana, 148, 173 
Boves, Father J. Andre, 190, 193, 

Bramas (Burmese), 192, 204, 


Brito, Philip de, xxii, xxv; 
establishes himself at Syriam, 
194-195 ; visits King of 
Arakan, 196 ; defeats the Ban- 
ha, 197-198 ; goes to Goa, 198- 

109, 208 ; his description of 
Tangu, 204 ; welcomes Fathers 
to Syriam, 209-210; captures 
Prince of Arakan, 212-213 ; 
makes a treaty with the King 
which is broken, 219 ; prepares 
for war, 225 ; rejeds peace 
offers, 231-232; besieged in 
Syriam, 232-236 ; narrow es- 
cape from fire, 238 ; rebuilds 
his fortress, 238 ; sacks Prome, 
242 ; allies himself with King 
of Martaban, 242-243 ; sacks 
Tangu, 244-245 ; besieged by 
King of Ava, 246-250; cap- 
tured and put to death, 251 ; 
origin of, 259-260; his letters 
to the King of Portugal, 262, 
268; his unscrupulous be- 
haviour, 264, 276; his marriage 
with Dona Luiza Saldanha, 
261-262, 278 

Marco de, 220 

Simao de, 242-243 

Bureng Naung, King of Pegu, 
242, 254 

Cacizes, 143, 154,171,179 

Cafres, see Kafirs 

Cal?a, 151, 178 

Cambalu, 119, 126, 153, 163 

Cambay, 77-79, 8z > 8 4'86, 102, 

108, 162 

Camelet, 225, 271 
Camul, see Kami 
Canarins, 251, 276 
Cape of Good Hope, 82 
Carapufa, 246, 276 
Cascar, see Kashgar 
Ca&ro, Affbnso de, 1 1 1, 262 
Cathay, 101, 119-127, 144, 


Catures, 211, 265 
Cavalho, Dominico, 265 


Caxemir, see Kashmir 
Ceylon, 270 
Chain of Juftice, 12, 94 
Chandican, 185, 255, 256, 257 
Chand Rai, 260, 261, 265 
Charakar, 151, 176, 177 
Char amc las, 45, 1029.132 
Chatigam, see Chittagong 
Chaul, 182 
Cheduba, 267 
Chescan, see Teshkan 
Chiayu-kuan, 178, 179 
Chieng-mai, 254, 261, 268 
China, 125, 127, 132, 145, 154, 

Chitralis, 177 
Chittagong, 165, 185, 188, 189, 

Chocoria, 225, 229, 271 
Choromandel, 218, 219 
Christ, Order of, 262 
Christmas, celebration of, 44-45 
Cochin, 162, 208,218 
Colaco, Father A., x 
Coleche, 155, 181 
Corangarim, title, 188, 256, 


Cordier, M. Henri, xviii-xix 
Corpus Christi, feast of, 34, 97 
Corsi, Father R., 91, 101, 102, 

130, 1 66 

Coryat, Thomas, 0,5 
Cosmin, see Bassein 
Costa, Gomas da, 248 
Couto, Diogo do, xxiv 
Covert, Robert, 112, 114 
Covilham, Pedro de, 166 
Cucja, see Kuchar 
Cumgao, priest, 148, 173 

Dacca, 260 
Dachem, see Achin 
Dak, 260 
Daman, 83, 85, 112 

Dames, M. Longworth, Duarte 

Barbosa, 254, 263 
Danda Rajpuri, 85, 113, 114 
Daniyal, prince, 99 
Danu, 82, 112 
Danvers, F. C., Portuguese in 

India, 112 

David, king, 49-50, 68 
Deccan, 38, 85,98,99, 163 
De k Luz, Belchior, 264 
Demetrius, companion to Goes, 

Djanga, 238, 254, 270, 274 
Dinajpur, 164 
Diu, 81-82, 112, 114 
Domkhar inscription, 173 
Documcntos Remettidos da India, 

262, 268 

Du Jarric, Father P., x, xvii, xix 
Hifioire, x, xvii, xix, 119, 166, 

167, 168, 169, 177, 252 
Dutch, the, 161, 167, 263 

Easter Day, celebration of, 33 
Egypt, 127 
Espcra, 225, 271 
Ethiopia, 96, 166 

Faria y Sousa, Asia Portuguesa, 

xxiii, 261, 264, 272, 273, 


Fateh Khan, 265, 274 
Federici, Cesare, 172 
Felner, Sr. de Lima, xxiv, 259, 

Fernandez, Father F., 188-189, 

190, 211, 256, 257, 265, 

Fernandez, John, Brother, 156, 

Feyra, Count de, 77, 1 1 1 
Figueroa, Suares, x 
Finch, William, 108 
Fitch, Ralph, 252, 255, 258, 



Fonseca, Father Belchior da, 188- 

Fortescue, Adrian, Ceremonies of 

the Roman Rite, 97 
Fofter, Sir W., Early Travels 

in India, 95, 108, 112, 114, 


Francisco, Father Frei, 242-243 
Francke, Dr. A. H., Ladvags 

rGyalrabs, 173 

Gacar, 133, 167, 174 

Galchas, 151,177 

Galiseo, John, 130 

Galliot, 225, 271 

Gangas, 217, 268 

Ganges, 217, 268 

Garibos, 195, 260 

Garonne, river, 260 

Gaur, 254 

Gazaria, 167 

Gentiles (Gentios), 88 

Ghakkars, 167, 174 

Ghora Ghat, 123, 164 

Goa, 44, 96, 101-102, 108, 113, 
115, 128, 162 

Godinho, Belchior, 238, 239 

Goes, Benedict, xix-xxii, 101, 
1 27 ; departure from Goa, 128; 
prepares for his travels, 128- 
129 ; first letter of, 130-131 ; 
second letter, 131-133; third 
letter, 133-134; journey to 
Yarkand, 150-151 ; sojourn 
at Yarkand, 135-149 ; journey 
to Suchou, 152-155; sickness 
and death, 1 5 6- 1 5 8 ; his youth- 
ful follies and conversion, 158- 
159; diary of, xx, 159-160, 

Gon^alves, Seba&ian, 238, 265, 

270, 274 

Gonpo Namgyal, 148, 172-173 
Granth Sahib, 93 
Graverner, Stephen, 112 

| Grimon, Leon, 129, 132, 150, 

156, 166, 176, 181 
Guerreiro, Father Fernao, x 
Relations, ix-xi, xix, 88, 94, 

97, lor, 106, 166, 169, 174, 

252, 258, 262, 264, 265, 268, 


Gujarat, 98, HI, 112 
Gwalior, 99, 103 

' Hajji Khanum, 151, 170 
Hami, 144, 154, 178, 179 
Hardiman, J. P., 276, 277 
Haringhata, river, 258 
Hawkins, William, 80-82, 83, 

85-6, no, in, 112,114, 273 
Hayton, The Armenian, 119, 


Hazara, 167 

Hindu Kush, 167, 174, 177 
Hircande, see Yarkand 
Honan, 155 
Hoogly, river, 252 
Hoppers (Apam), 134, 167 
Hoften, Rev. H., works of, 95, 

101, 108, 165, 173, 181, 256, 

259, 265 
Husain Beg, Badakshi, 4, 90, 91 

lakonich, see Yaka-arik 

Ibn Batuta, 252, 276 

( India,' early meanings of the 

name, 83, 166, 208 
Indus, river, 167, 174 
Isaac, servant to Goes, 150, 155, 

159, 160-162, 170, 175, 1 80* 

Itolama, 148 

Jagdalak, 151, 175 

Jahangir, xiii-xv; ascends the 
throne, 3, 88 ; in pursuit of 
Khusru, 4, 88 ; meeting with 
the Fathers, 7 ; punishes the 
rebels, 8-10; sets up chain of 



juice, 1 3 ; persecutes two 
Armenian children, 16-24,103 ; 
gifts to the Christians and the 
church, 30, 35 ; accepts a copy 
of the Gospels in Persian, 31, 
32 ; goes to Kabul, 32 ; his 
administration of justice, 36- 
38 ; punishes Aziz Khan Koka, 
38-39, 99 ; returns to Lahore, 
43 ; sends embassy to Goa, 44, 
77, 102, no; goes to Agra, 
46, 102-103 ; causes Khusru 
to be blinded, 47-48, 102-103 ; 
takes part in religious disputes, 
49-62 ; his regard for sacred 
pictures, 66 ; his views on 
marriage, 67-69 ; his reception 
of William Hawkins, 82 ; makes 
peace with the Portuguese, 85- 

Memoirs, 88, 90, 93, 94, 97, 
98, 102, 105, 108, no 

Jalalabad, 174* '75 

Jalea* 212, 225, 271 
amyang Namgyal, 173 
ancoma, 198, 199, 257, 261 

"anjira, 114 
erusalem, 127 

ohn II, King of Portugal, 126, 

Jones, Thomas, traveller, 115 

Jourdain, John, 112, 113, 114, 

Junk Ceylon, 202, 203, 217, 262 

Kabul, 5, 23, 32, 35, 37, 43, 90, 
97, 102, 151, 167, 169, 173- 
175, 177, 181 

Kachua, 258 

Kafiriftan, 174 

Kafirs, 27, 35, 70-71* 9 6 > J 3 8 

Kalimah, 18, 20, 95, 139 

Kan-chou, 180 

Kanjur, 148, 173 

Kansu, 180 

Kara-shahr, 152-153, 154, 164, 

Kashgar, 1 20, 1 23, 1 29, 1 3 5, 1 5 1, 

169, 178, 179 
Kashgar, Prince of, 141-142 

Queen of, 140-141, 151, 169 
Kashmir, 37, 123, 167, 174 
Kedar Rai, see Chand Rai 
Khitai, the, 119, 163 

Khotan, 140, 146, 151, 169, 170, 
178, 179 

Khusru, Prince, flies from Agra 
to Lahore, 4-5, 91 ; defeated 
and captured, 5-8 ; punish- 
ment, 1 1 ; meeting with Guru 
Arjun, 1 1 ; is blinded, 47-48, 

Kuchar, 178 

Kuch Bihar, 164 

Kurnaphuli, river, 2 54 

Ladakh, 173 

Chronicles of, 173 

Lahore, besieged by Khusru, 5, 

9 1 ; Jahangir's entry into, 9- 1 o, 

92 ; church and college at, 14 ; 
97, 102, 128, 130, 150, 163, 

Laos, the, 254, 261 

Lari, coin, 42, 99 

Leiteira, poisonous herb, 103 

Lemro, river, 255 

Lhachen Bhagan, 173 

Linschoten, Van, Travels, 96, 

100, 252 

Luang Praban, 217, 218, 268 
Luard, Col. ., Manriyut, 256, 

Luiza de Saldanha, Dona, 238, 

243, 261-262 

Luke, Saint, painting by, 64, 107 
Lunrique, 148, 173 

Macao, 161, 220, 270 
in Pegu, 190, 258 



Machado, Father A., roi, 102, 

130, 1 66 

Machareo, gulf of, 194, 205, 259 
Magadha, 254 
Maghs, 185, 254 
Magi, adoration of, pi&ure, 64- 

65, 77-78 
Mana Dhamma Yaza, King of 

Ava, 276 
Mahava, 112 
Malabar, 203 
Makcca, 123, 161, 163, 182, 

201,221, 263 
Manchuria, 163 
Manrique, Fray Seba&ian, 256, 


Man Singh, 196, 260 
Manucci, Nicolao, 95 
Mareco Joab, 244-245, 246 
Maria, Father John, 240 
Marmuko, 193, 275 
Martaban, 193, 203, 205, 211, 

217, 218, 242-244, 254, 256, 


King of, 242-244 
Mart a bans, 245, 276 
Martins, Francisco, 244 
Maruja, 226 
Masuiipatam, 195, 238 
Maundy Thursday, celebration 

of, 32-33 

Mecca, 130, 170, 203, 207, 218 
Medafaval, 82, 112 
Meghna, river, 252 
Mekong, river, 268 
Mendoca, Furtado de, 83, in, 

Menezes, Alexius de, HI, 267, 


Meng Rayagyi, 254, 264 
Merinho Mor, 4, 28, 38, *ji 
Middleton, Sir Henry, 112 
Miguel, St., island of, 128, 158, 

Missa do Gallo, 45, 102 

Mirza Ghyas, 130 

Mirza Husain, 105 

Mirza Muhammad Haidar, 169 

Mocha, 82, H2 

Mogaung, 254 

Mogos, see Maghs 

Monserrat, 109 

Monteyro, Hieronymo, 188, 257 

Monyin, 254 

Moors (Mouros), 88 

Mosambique, 96 

Moulmein, 193, 242, 275 

Mrauku, 255 

Muhammad Sultan, 169 

Mundy, Peter, 95 

Muqarrab Khan, 77-79, ^5" 

86, 102, 108, HO-III, 114, 


Murtaza Khan, see Shaikh Farid 
Muttra, 91 

Nabet, 276 

Najib Khan, 52-54, 105 

NamgyaJ, tide, 173 

Nanda Bureng, King of Pegu, 

downfall and death of, 1 8 5- 1 87, 

254-255 ; atrocities committed 

by, 191-193 
Nanking, 163 
Negrais, cape, 212, 218; battle 

of, 226-228, 274; 254, 266 
Nicot, Jean, 259 
Nicote, see Brito, Philip de 
Noakhali, 254 
Noer, Count von, Kaisar Akbar, 


Ogilby,John, 179, 257 
Ola (OUah), 249, 276 
Okndeses, see Dutch 
Orissa, 252 

Orme, Robert, 252, 271 
Ormuz, 181 

Ortelius, Theatrum Orbis Terra- 
rum, 163, 179 



Ova, sec Ava 
Oxus, river, 176 

Pamir, 145, 147, 177 

Panjab, 98 

Paquim, see Peking 

Pardao, coin, 162, 182, 270 

Parwan Pass, 1 76 

Parwiz, Prince, 98 

Patani, 203, 263 

Pwtses, 225, 271 

Payva, Antonio de, 166 

Pegu, destruction of, 186-187, 
190; desolation of, 191-194, 
197, 200 ; strategic import- 
ance of, 201-205; 210, 216, 

kings of, see Bureng Naung 
and Nanda Bureng 

Pegu, river, 258, 268 

Peking, 128, 132, 153, 156, 161, 
163, 180, 181 

Peshawar, 151, 174-176 

Phayre, Sir A., Hiftory of Burma, 
254, 255, 259, 274 

Philip III, King of Portugal, 164, 
262, 268, 270, 275 

Pimenta, Father N., 132, 164, 

Pinheiro, Father Manoel, xiii, 
44; accompanies embassy to 
Goa, 44, 77-79, 8 4-87; ii> 
108,113,114,130, 133, 162, 
166, 182 

Pirez, Father Manoel, 240 

Polo, Marco, 119, 163, 166 

Porto Grande, 252, 257 

Porto Pequeno, 252, 257 

Prefer John, 126, 127, 166 

Prome, 193, 198, 199, 213, 217, 
241, 242, 254 

Purchas, Pilgrimes, 115 

Ramaza*, 3, 88 

Rangoon, river, 267 

Ravi, river, 167 

Rebat, see Tibet 

Rebeyro, Salvador, 264-265 

Red Sea, 127 

Rego, Paulo do, 226, 228-229, 

231, 237, 264, 272 
Reytavai, see Tavoy 
Ricci, Father M., xviii, xxi-xxii, 

r 53> J 55 T 5 6 > r 57> x6o f 161 
Open Storiche, xvii-xxii, 163, 

169, 174, 175, 176, 177, 179, 

180, 181, 182 
Rivett, William, 112, 114 
Rodrigues, Seba&ian, 249, 250 
Rohtas, fort, 90 
Royueira, 241, 275 
Ross, SirDenison, 166, 169 

Quedda, 202, 203, 218, 263 
Quilon, 250 

Sacrithima, mountain, 177 
Sagaing, 276 

Saldanha, bay of, see Table Bay 
Salerno, Father Natal, 215, 219, 

221, 224, 229, 256, 265 
Salim Shah, see Meng Rayaggi 
Salween, river, 275 
Sambhar, 94, 95 
Sandip, island, 200, 211, 265, 

268, 274 

Sanguicel, small vessel, 225, 272 
San Thome*, 247, 256 
Sarikol, 177 
Senge Namgyal, 173 
Serpanil (Sir-i-Pamir), 177 
Shahrukh, 165 
Shaikh Farid, 37, 93, 98 
Shaikh Hasan, see Muqarrab 


Sharif Khan, 25, 97 
Sharpeigh, Alexander, 112^ 
Shaw, Robert, 170 ""*" 
Shensi, 156, 180 
Siam, 198, 199^ 





Siddis, 114 v< 

Sikander, Mirza, 24, 94, 103 

Silva, Caspar de, 196 

Siripur, 252, 257, 260 

Sittang, river, 260 

Socotra, 82 

Sodra, 91 

Sonargaon, 257, 260 

Stein, Sir Aurel, Ruins of Desert 
Cathay, 177 

Suchou, 150, 155, 178, 179, 180, 

Suez, 201 

Sultanpur, 91 

Supa, battle of, 99 

Sundiva, see Sandip 

Surat, 82, 83, 85, 96, in, 112, 
114, 115 

Syria, 127 

Syriam, 190, 193 ; occupied by 
de Brito, 194-195,202; Fathers 
arrive at, 209-210; 217, 219; 
besieged by Kings of Arakan 
and Tangu, 232-236 ; captured 
by King of Ava, 246-25 1 ; 256, 
258, 262, 268; captives taken 
to Ava from, 251, 276 

Table Bay, 82, 112 

Talapoi, 221, 270 

Talikhan, 151, 176 

Tanga, coin, 267 

Tangu, 198, 199, 202, 204-205, 
213, 216-217 ; sacked by King 
of Ava, 241-242 ; and by de 
Brito, 244-245 ; 254,263 

King of, sacks Pegu, 186-187 ; 
skys King of Pegu, 188, 192, 
204, 205 ; joins in siege of 
Syriam, 233-235; abandons 
the siege, 236, 273 ; submits 
to de Brito, 245; 273, 275- 

Tao-Tai (Tutam), 155, 1 80 

Tarikh-i-Rashidi, 169, 177 

Tartars, 163 

Tartary, 127, 164, 179 

Tavora, Ruy Loren9ode, 86, 1 1 1, 


Tavernier, Jean Baptise, 167 
Tavoy, 202, 203, 211, 217, 

Tenasserim, 202, 203, 211, 217, 


Terry, Edward, 95 
Teskhan, 177 
Tetulia, river, 258 
Tibet, 123, 148, 149, 164, 172- 


Tippera, 254, 257 
Torres, Martin de, 199 
TosJao, coin, 42, 100 
Travancore, 158, 181 
Trigault, Nicolao, xviii, xx, 173, 

177, 182 

Tsewang Namgyal, 172-173 
Turfan, 144, 178 
Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, see Jahangir, 

Tsewang Namgyal, 172-173 

Ufflet, Nicholas, 112 
Union, English ship, 112 

Valle, P. della, Travels, 99 
Venturi, Father Tacchi, xviii 
Vilkfranca, 158, 181 

Wessels, C., Early Jesuit Travel- 
lers, 164, 169, 177, 181 

White Elephant, 185, 187, 196, 

Xavier, Father Jerome, xi-xii, 
119,121-125, 130,131 

Letters, xi-xii, 89, 91, 92, 93, 

107-108, no, 164, 170, 171, 



Xareta, 225, 271 
Xetay, see Khitai 
Xilimixa, se Salim Shah 

Yaka-arik, 176 

Yarkand, xxi, 126; Goes at, 135- 

147; 152,156,169-172,175, 


! Yen-ki, $78 

Yule, Col. H., Cathay and the Way 
Thither, xviii, xxii, 167, 171, 

Zedeli, see Jagdalak 
Zu-1-Qarnain, Mirza, 94, 95 
Zimme, see Chieng-Mai